The relief in Dhaka was palpable. “It feels good that finally we have educated people running our government,” said Zahin Ferdous, a 19-year-old university student, referring to the new interim government led by the Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus.
Ferdous was conducting traffic in Bangladesh’s capital, one of the volunteers trying to restore normality to the city after a tumultuous week that has transformed Bangladesh.
The resignation of prime minister Sheikh Hasina on Monday initially caused a city-wide street party. But it was swiftly followed by looting and reprisal attacks against her supporters and the police. These have somewhat calmed since Thursday, when Yunus was sworn in.
But in a city of 20 million people, that calm is eerie, born out of a feeling of uncertainty. Neighbourhoods have established nightwatches, reports of suspicious activity are being swapped on Facebook groups and, in the wealthier districts, car headlamps are being left on at night to light up the road. Ferdous added: “I have huge respect for him [Yunus] and now I just hope he delivers. My biggest fear is for him to become just like the other politicians.”
As Yunus returned to Bangladesh to lead the country, having a week earlier been under threat of imprisonment, he called for an end to violence and protection for minorities. And with police still absent from the streets, the army has established 200 temporary camps across the country and posted soldiers to abandoned police stations to ensure security.
The country now awaits his next steps and to see whether the interim government can lay the groundwork for a break from a political system after a student-led protest movement forced Hasina from power.
The military rule of the 1980s was replaced with a democratic system in 1991 in which Hasina’s Awami League and her rival Khaleda Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) alternated power, with both sides being associated with corruption and political violence. Hasina had been in power since 2009, establishing an increasingly autocratic government that crushed the opposition and criticism from media and activists.
But her grip on power was undone by a student protest movement over a quota system to allocate 30% of government jobs to the families of people who fought for independence from Pakistan in 1971 – which many felt limited their chances to secure stable jobs through hard work.
The government responded with a heavy hand – arresting and torturing the leaders, while the police used live fire and Awami League activists beat protesters. A days-long internet blackout was imposed but when it ended videos poured out of protesters being shot at, hacked with machetes and run over by vehicles. The anger spread to wider society and became uncontrollable, leading to calls for justice even after the quota system was removed.
A mass march through the centre of Dhaka had been called on Monday but as the protesters approached the prime minister’s residence, angered after another day when security forces killed around 90 people, they instead heard news that Hasina had resigned and fled in a helicopter.
Two of the student leaders, Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud, are part of the interim government, having forced the military to listen to them after it had initially only consulted the political parties when announcing it had taken control in Hasina’s absence.
The government also includes a Hindu and a representative of the Chakma community, a minority from the Chittagong Hill Tracts region, as well as human rights and women’s rights activists.
“For far too long we’ve had propaganda and abuse of power shoved down our throats and it feels as if we are suddenly freed. But it doesn’t end here,” said the creator of the Bangladeshi Voice. The social media platform has quickly grown to 40,000 followers after being set up on 18 July to spread awareness of the protests and the government’s crackdown.
The page’s creator was involved in similar protests against the government in 2018, which escalated a crackdown on dissent, and now lives outside the country, speaking out anonymously to protect their family still in Bangladesh.
They said they are hopeful for the future, and have been encouraged by the achievements of the country’s youth, but believe they need to stay vigilant and should not rush into elections which would be likely to benefit the established political parties.
“I feel that now the real work begins for the interim government plus the people to uproot all the leftover fascists remaining from Hasina’s tenure. Bangladesh suffers from widespread corruption and this needs to be dealt with before any election takes place,” they said.
“We do not want to unknowingly replace a dictator with another one … personally I wish for a new youth-led party to emerge in Bangladesh but I also think if an election is held soon BNP’s win is inevitable.”
The political violence that has long blighted Bangladeshi politics immediately returned in the aftermath of Hasina’s resignation, reminding those who protested about why they have been so keen for a complete break from the old system.
Opportunists looted the prime minister’s residence and people attacked signs of the old government, including police stations but also a memorial museum at the site where Hasina’s father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, considered Bangladesh’s founding father, was assassinated. But most concerning for many have been attacks on the Hindu minority.
Rana Dasgupta, who leads a group representing minorities, the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council, said Islamist groups seemed to be taking advantage of the chaos to make Hindus feel unsafe. Though he did not have specific statistics, attacks have been reported on Hindu homes, property and temples in at least 52 districts. “We hold hope for the new interim government, yet our concerns are significant. This government, born from an anti-discriminatory movement, must prioritise and enhance protections for Hindus and other religious and ethnic minorities in the country.”
Hasnat Abdullah, one of the leaders of the student movement, though not a member of the interim government, said that once security has been restored, the priority will be to rebuild confidence in government institutions, deal with high living costs and clean up the electoral and judicial systems that many believe were compromised to favour the Awami League.
“They should be allowed enough time to reflect what we were asking for and what they’ve promised to do. We are not only talking about just handing over power to someone, we have asked for reform and reform can’t happen over night,” said Abdullah.
The youth, in particular, seem keen not to rush into elections, believing that setting the foundations for a new political system is the main priority for a country that has struggled for unity since independence in 1971.
On Saturday, more figures from Bangladesh’s establishment were forced out. The country’s chief justice resigned after students warned him of “dire consequences” if he remained in post. The central bank governor also quit, although his resignation had not been accepted.
Hasina is now in exile, believed to be in India, to which she flew on Monday, but eyeing her next destination. Media reports first suggested she would seek asylum in the UK. Her sister Sheikh Rehana – who was with her as she left Bangladesh – lives there, while her niece Tulip Siddiq is now a UK government minister.
But there has been no progress and her arrival would be controversial among the UK’s large British-Bangladeshi population. The Indian TV channel News18 reported that the United Arab Emirates could be another option.
The victory the students won over Hasina is, they hope, the defeat of a system that since 1991 has meant only her and Zia have held power.
“People think we don’t get it but I can’t emphasise enough: to bring positive change, you must listen to young people and their fresh ideas. I think we are on the right track and finally we will get a good update to Bangladesh 2.0,” said Ferdous.
“The coming days are crucial and I want to tell everyone that our job is not done. If Asif and Nahid and Yunus don’t deliver, we’ll remove them. But I believe they will, they’re our best hope now.”
