From Justice Barrett's unanimous opinion this morning in Lindke v. Freed:
Like millions of Americans, James Freed maintained a Facebook account on which he posted about a wide range of topics, including his family and his job. Like most of those Americans, Freed occasionally received unwelcome comments on his posts. In response, Freed took a step familiar to Facebook users: He deleted the comments and blocked those who made them.
For most people with a Facebook account, that would have been the end of it. But Kevin Lindke, one of the unwelcome commenters, sued Freed for violating his right to free speech. Because the First Amendment binds only the government, this claim is a nonstarter if Freed posted as a private citizen. Freed, however, is not only a private citizen but also the city manager of Port Huron, Michigan—and while Freed insists that his Facebook account was strictly personal, Lindke argues that Freed acted in his official capacity when he silenced Lindke's speech.
When a government official posts about job-related topics on social media, it can be difficult to tell whether the speech is official or private. We hold that such speech is attributable to the State only if the official (1) possessed actual authority to speak on the State's behalf, and (2) purported to exercise that authority when he spoke on social media….
The Court began with the familiar principle that the First Amendment applies only to government action, not private individuals' action. There's little controversy that social media pages run by government entities (e.g., by city councils, school boards, executive agencies, and the like) involve government action. But individual officials are both individuals and officials, so the question is which hat the person is wearing while running a social media page. Here is how the Court analyzed this:
[S]tate or local official[s] who routinely interact[] with the public … may look like they are always on the clock, making it tempting to characterize every encounter as part of the job. But … [while they] can act on behalf of the State, they are also private citizens with their own constitutional rights. By excluding from liability "acts of officers in the ambit of their personal pursuits," the state-action requirement "protects a robust sphere of individual liberty" for those who serve as public officials or employees.
The dispute between Lindke and Freed illustrates this dynamic. Freed did not relinquish his First Amendment rights when he became city manager. On the contrary, "the First Amendment protects a public employee's right, in certain circumstances, to speak as a citizen addressing matters of public concern." This right includes the ability to speak about "information related to or learned through public employment," so long as the speech is not "itself ordinarily within the scope of [the] employee's duties." Where the right exists, "editorial control over speech and speakers on [the public employee's] properties or platforms" is part and parcel of it. Thus, if Freed acted in his private capacity when he blocked Lindke and deleted his comments, he did not violate Lindke's First Amendment rights—instead, he exercised his own….
For the reasons we explain below, a public official's social-media activity constitutes state action under § 1983 only if the official (1) possessed actual authority to speak on the State's behalf, and (2) purported to exercise that authority when he spoke on social media. The appearance and function of the social-media activity are relevant at the second step, but they cannot make up for a lack of state authority at the first….
The first prong of this test is grounded in the bedrock requirement that "the conduct allegedly causing the deprivation of a federal right be fairly attributable to the State." An act is not attributable to a State unless it is traceable to the State's power or authority…. [When the challenged conduct "entail[s] functions and obligations in no way dependent on state authority," state action does not exist….
[Lindke] insists that Freed's social-media activity constitutes state action because Freed's Facebook page looks and functions like an outlet for city updates and citizen concerns. But Freed's conduct is not attributable to the State unless he was "possessed of state authority" to post city updates and register citizen concerns. If the State did not entrust Freed with these responsibilities, it cannot "fairly be blamed" for the way he discharged them. Lindke imagines that Freed can conjure the power of the State through his own efforts. Yet the presence of state authority must be real, not a mirage.
Importantly, Lindke must show more than that Freed had some authority to communicate with residents on behalf of Port Huron. The alleged censorship must be connected to speech on a matter within Freed's bailiwick. For example, imagine that Freed posted a list of local restaurants with health-code violations and deleted snarky comments made by other users. If public health is not within the portfolio of the city manager, then neither the post nor the deletions would be traceable to Freed's state authority—because he had none. For state action to exist, the State must be "responsible for the specific conduct of which the plaintiff complains." There must be a tie between the official's authority and "the gravamen of the plaintiff 's complaint." …
Section 1983 lists the potential sources [of official authority]: "statute, ordinance, regulation, custom, or usage." Statutes, ordinances, and regulations refer to written law through which a State can authorize an official to speak on its behalf. "Custom" and "usage" encompass "persistent practices of state officials" that are "so permanent and well settled" that they carry "the force of law."
So a city manager like Freed would be authorized to speak for the city if written law like an ordinance empowered him to make official announcements. He would also have that authority even in the absence of written law if, for instance, prior city managers have purported to speak on its behalf and have been recognized to have that authority for so long that the manager's power to do so has become "permanent and well settled." And if an official has authority to speak for the State, he may have the authority to do so on social media even if the law does not make that explicit.
Determining the scope of an official's power requires careful attention to the relevant statute, ordinance, regulation, custom, or usage. In some cases, a grant of authority over particular subject matter may reasonably encompass authority to speak about it officially. For example, state law might grant a high-ranking official like the director of the state department of transportation broad responsibility for the state highway system that, in context, includes authority to make official announcements on that subject.
At the same time, courts must not rely on "'excessively broad job descriptions'" to conclude that a government employee is authorized to speak for the State. The inquiry is not whether making official announcements could fit within the job description; it is whether making official announcements is actually part of the job that the State entrusted the official to do.
In sum, a defendant like Freed must have actual authority rooted in written law or longstanding custom to speak for the State. That authority must extend to speech of the sort that caused the alleged rights deprivation. If the plaintiff cannot make this threshold showing of authority, he cannot establish state action….
For social-media activity to constitute state action, an official must not only have state authority—he must also purport to use it. State officials have a choice about the capacity in which they choose to speak. "[G]enerally, a public employee" purports to speak on behalf of the State while speaking "in his official capacity or" when he uses his speech to fulfill "his responsibilities pursuant to state law." If the public employee does not use his speech in furtherance of his official responsibilities, he is speaking in his own voice.
Consider a hypothetical from the offline world. A school board president announces at a school board meeting that the board has lifted pandemic-era restrictions on public schools. The next evening, at a backyard barbecue with friends whose children attend public schools, he shares that the board has lifted the pandemic-era restrictions. The former is state action taken in his official capacity as school board president; the latter is private action taken in his personal capacity as a friend and neighbor. While the substance of the announcement is the same, the context—an official meeting versus a private event—differs. He invoked his official authority only when he acted as school board president.
The context of Freed's speech is hazier than that of the hypothetical school board president. Had Freed's account carried a label (e.g., "this is the personal page of James R. Freed") or a disclaimer (e.g., "the views expressed are strictly my own"), he would be entitled to a heavy (though not irrebuttable) presumption that all of the posts on his page were personal. Markers like these give speech the benefit of clear context: Just as we can safely presume that speech at a backyard barbeque is personal, we can safely presume that speech on a "personal" page is personal (absent significant evidence indicating that a post is official). Conversely, context can make clear that a social-media account purports to speak for the government—for instance, when an account belongs to a political subdivision (e.g., a "City of Port Huron" Facebook page) or is passed down to whomever occupies a particular office (e.g., an "@PHuronCityMgr" Instagram account). Freed's page, however, was not designated either "personal" or "official," raising the prospect that it was "mixed use"—a place where he made some posts in his personal capacity and others in his capacity as city manager.
{An official cannot insulate government business from scrutiny by conducting it on a personal page. The Solicitor General offers the particularly clear example of an official who designates space on his nominally personal page as the official channel for receiving comments on a proposed regulation. Because the power to conduct notice-and-comment rulemaking belongs exclusively to the State, its exercise is necessarily governmental. Similarly, a mayor would engage in state action if he hosted a city council meeting online by streaming it only on his personal Facebook page. By contrast, a post that is compatible with either a "personal capacity" or "official capacity" designation is "personal" if it appears on a personal page.}
Categorizing posts that appear on an ambiguous page like Freed's is a fact-specific undertaking in which the post's content and function are the most important considerations. In some circumstances, the post's content and function might make the plaintiff 's argument a slam dunk. Take a mayor who makes the following announcement exclusively on his Facebook page: "Pursuant to Municipal Ordinance 22.1, I am temporarily suspending enforcement of alternate-side parking rules." The post's express invocation of state authority, its immediate legal effect, and the fact that the order is not available elsewhere make clear that the mayor is purporting to discharge an official duty. If, by contrast, the mayor merely repeats or shares otherwise available information—for example, by linking to the parking announcement on the city's webpage—it is far less likely that he is purporting to exercise the power of his office. Instead, it is much more likely that he is engaging in private speech "relate[d] to his public employment" or "concern[ing] information learned during that employment."
Hard-to-classify cases require awareness that an official does not necessarily purport to exercise his authority simply by posting about a matter within it. He might post job-related information for any number of personal reasons, from a desire to raise public awareness to promoting his prospects for reelection. Moreover, many public officials possess a broad portfolio of governmental authority that includes routine interaction with the public, and it may not be easy to discern a boundary between their public and private lives. Yet these officials too have the right to speak about public affairs in their personal capacities. Lest any official lose that right, it is crucial for the plaintiff to show that the official is purporting to exercise state authority in specific posts. And when there is doubt, additional factors might cast light—for example, an official who uses government staff to make a post will be hard pressed to deny that he was conducting government business.
One last point: The nature of the technology matters to the state-action analysis. Freed performed two actions to which Lindke objected: He deleted Lindke's comments and blocked him from commenting again. So far as deletion goes, the only relevant posts are those from which Lindke's comments were removed. Blocking, however, is a different story. Because blocking operated on a page-wide basis, a court would have to consider whether Freed had engaged in state action with respect to any post on which Lindke wished to comment. The bluntness of Facebook's blocking tool highlights the cost of a "mixed use" social-media account: If page-wide blocking is the only option, a public official might be unable to prevent someone from commenting on his personal posts without risking liability for also preventing comments on his official posts. A public official who fails to keep personal posts in a clearly designated personal account therefore exposes himself to greater potential liability….
The state-action doctrine requires Lindke to show that Freed (1) had actual authority to speak on behalf of the State on a particular matter, and (2) purported to exercise that authority in the relevant posts. To the extent that this test differs from the one applied by the Sixth Circuit, we vacate its judgment and remand the case for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.
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