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Newslaundry
Newslaundry
National
Sumedha Mittal

‘Promises hollow, not sure how surveillance will change’: Journalists on J&K polls and manifestos

There is little that parties in poll-bound Jammu and Kashmir are offering for journalists despite increased challenges to press freedom over the last five years in the erstwhile state.

Two major regional parties, the National Conference and Peoples Democratic Party, have mentioned journalists in their manifestos so far. 

The National Conference’s 40-page manifesto has just one line for journalists, that they “recognise the challenges” faced by journalists regarding accreditation and are “committed” to addressing them “effectively”. 

The PDP, on the other hand, has “vowed to prioritise press freedom, restore the autonomy and dignity of the press club, and address the issue of selective curtailment of advertisements to newspapers”.

However, journalists who spoke to Newslaundry saw these promises as “hollow” and said these would make little difference to their profession. 

A restoration on the cards?

According to a Newslaundry analysis based on media reports, at least 29 journalists have faced official action over the last five years in J&K. These include four booked under the UAPA, three detained under the Public Safety Act, six booked over social media posts, eight detained and questioned by the police for their work, nine summoned and questioned by the police without any FIR, and seven whose homes were searched by central agencies.

This list includes journalists who are contributors to foreign media outlets like BBC, Guardian, AFP, DW; national media print media outlets like The Indian Express, The Hindu, The Economic Times; J&K based press like Kashmiriyat, Greater Kashmir,  QNS News Agency, Kashmir Wallah, The Kashmiriyat, Kashmir News Observer, Greater Kashmir, Kashmir Uzma; independent media houses like Scroll; magazines like Outlook and The Caravan and even independent journalists. 

Several other instances have marked the dip in press freedom in the valley, including the alleged forced closure of the Kashmir press club, increased restrictions on the movement of journalists, and the change in local newspapers’ reportage.

Fahad Shah, the founder-editor of Kashmir Walla who was booked under three UAPA cases and spent two years in prison, said NC and PDP governments in the erstwhile state used to do background checks of journalists, but this surveillance has increased over the last few years, with detailed reports being prepared on journalists, their activities, and even their relatives. “I am not sure how this surveillance on journalists will change with an assembly. Because in a UT, the elected government has very limited power.”

Shah said the local parties’ record on press freedom has also been questionable, “When PDP was in power, they had banned Kashmir Reader. In 2016, they had stopped distribution of multiple newspapers. In 2010, NC had also banned SMS services. The internet was also curtailed during both the governments. The only difference is that in the last five years, the intensity of the attack increased manifold with the absence of state government.”

A journalist from the list pointed to an “influx of positive stories from the region in local newspapers and digital media outlets”. “In the last five years, as the attack on reporters grew, the reporters also felt the need to maintain good relations with local administrations like SP and DC. Which ended up suiting both the parties…you will see a lot of stories about an SHO who was so good at controlling traffic in his area, or another police officer being praised for ‘checking cars’, or an SP or DCP being invited as a chief guest at an event.”

Another journalist said he was not sure if parties would like this culture to change. “Local journalists are dependent on advertisements. And both PDP and NCP would like to use them for their promotion. We can not expect good journalism from television because they are being controlled from Delhi. And big newspapers have seriously watered down their tone on reporting on Kashmir. So nothing can change this state of journalism in J&K now.”

The managing editor of a local media outlet said, “Forget the shutting down of the Press Club in the valley, the situation is so poor that locals are not even allowed to protest in the Press Enclave.” 

The Press Enclave is a colony housing offices of local media outlets, adjacent to Lal Chowk in Srinagar. Locals used to frequent the spot to protest against various issues, hoping for easy media access. “This culture has been totally eroded because now the state denies permission to people to hold protests here. So no negative stories are run in the media.”

Another journalist from the list claimed that many of the journalists who have been “targeted” have been rendered jobless. “If I try to look for a job out of this profession, they reject me because of my legal history. During the interviews, the recruiters raise their eyebrows if I tell them that I have worked for a media outlet known for critical journalism in the past.”

Fahad Shah, however, said the restoration of the J&K assembly can improve local journalism. “Because then we will have political parties responsible for our local issues in our proximity. In the last five years, there was an information blackout on local issues because everything was controlled by the bureaucrats. They are not elected by people and have a different attitude. But tomorrow, when we will have a health minister, we will be able to at least question him on issues related to health. This restoration will happen, be it any party that comes to power.”

Contribute to our NL Sena project to help us bring public interest journalism from Jammu and Kashmir ahead of assembly elections.

Newslaundry is a reader-supported, ad-free, independent news outlet based out of New Delhi. Support their journalism, here.

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