Thailand will soon get the chance to usher in political change through democratic means at the general election on May 14.
This will be the second poll since the military coup in 2014 that toppled the Pheu Thai-led government following a period of political turbulence.
Since then, Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha and his brothers-in-arms -- who initially promised they would only be sticking around for "a limited time'' -- have stayed in power through various shenanigans and unjust mechanisms under the junta-sponsored 2017 charter.
The previous poll in 2019 put the ex-junta leaders firmly in the political sphere. At times, independent agencies like the Election Commission (EC) and the charter court -- which was handpicked by the junta -- have been accused of employing double standards in a way that disadvantaged Gen Prayut's opponents.
Despite the 2017 charter mandating an eight-year limit on assuming the premiership, the prime minister is still contesting the May 14 election under the banner of the United Thai Nation (UTN) Party. However, he has decided not to apply for list-MP status.
As of yesterday, 49 parties had registered for the polls, inviting much speculation about what kind of political deals may have been forged in the shadows.
But the need for change is obvious. The coalition formed under Gen Prayut has done little to alter or improve the outdated structure of the state. As a result, problems like poverty and inequality have arguably worsened, even though the government has forked out huge sums on populist schemes.
The number of welfare card users continues to soar. It is now reported that 22 million people -- almost one-third of the population -- have registered for this card.
Gen Prayut, as the former junta leader and a politician, has sat on these problems for years. His military background enables him to tolerate and support the top-down bureaucratic system that is not efficient enough to handle new challenges.
For instance, his government lacks the teeth to regulate the energy sector, allowing those with connections with state technocrats to act like cartel bosses.
His much-touted reforms, even if issued in good faith, also raise many questions, while his government's efforts to promote peace and national reconciliation have been an abject failure. Some of these empty promises, such as the lofty goal of amending the constitution, must be pursued after the election. In short, there are several lingering political problems that will pose a challenge to the country after the elections.
There is no doubt that people are hungry for change -- and not only those activists who have been championing the so-called "vote for changes" campaign. Opinion polls back this up as they show Gen Prayut trailing other candidates in the run-up to the election.
If either Gen Prayut or his brother-in-arms Gen Prawit Wongsuwon, who is gunning to become prime minister under the banner of the ruling Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP), of which he is the leader, can secure at least 25 votes from the 250-strong Senate -- as required by the 2017 constitution -- they could be named premier.
This is similar to what happened in 2019, and relates to a controversial provision in the charter. As the parties duke it out with their policies, a battle between old and new politics will unfold. The EC is obliged to ensure the polls are free and fair, and that the voices of the people are respected.
