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The Conversation
The Conversation
Sergiu Gherghina, Reader in Comparative Politics, University of Glasgow

How religion helped the radical right take the lead in Romania’s now-cancelled election

The role and symbolic use of the Romanian Orthodox Church and religious rhetoric, in the recently cancelled Romanian election was significant.

The radical-right candidate, Călin Georgescu, who won the first round, regularly posted videos on TikTok of him attending church.

Romanians are some of the most religious people in Europe and church attendance continues to be high throughout the country, so the role of the church in politics is particularly relevant. Around 86% of the population identify as orthodox.

Not surprisingly therefore the orthodox church is an influential voice in Romanian society. Despite its official stance of neutrality in politics, priests often come out to support political parties or candidates with a specific profile that chimes with their values.

The first round of the recent election was cancelled after allegations of meddling by Russia, where the orthodox church has also become a powerful political force backing Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine and his traditional family values agenda. The head of the Russian Orthodox Church, Patriarch Kirill, is often seen at public occasions with Putin, and makes statements backing the Kremlin’s agenda. Georgescu, who is a Putin supporter, will have seen the value of religious backing, and support from voters who feel more aligned with “traditional family values” (including being against LGBT rights and pro-marriage).

Georgescu used many references to religion throughout his campaign and after the first round of the presidential election. While his speeches use nationalistic rhetoric, they also include biblical references evoking greatness and suggesting god is on his side.

After winning the first round of the presidential elections, Georgescu started a video on YouTube and on his personal Facebook page with the message: “"It was the law of Jesus’ wonderful multiplication, of the five loaves and two fish, which were multiplied to 2,120,404.” (This was the number of votes received by him in the first round). He continued: “We were all one mind. God. He unites us and we gave him our vote. He is our connection. The Romanian people who … stayed in the dark until now sees now the greater light because God is with us.”

The close relationship between the church and Georgescu was obvious at various times in the month before the election. For example, his campaign poster was presented to the public on the information board of an old church in a large city. Online campaigns were carried out by many priests before and after the first round of the presidential elections. One of these is a well-known priest, Calistrat Chifan, from the city of Iasi, who met Georgescu and a TV show host at a monastery to discuss spirituality and divinity. The meeting was shown on YouTube. A former spokesperson for the orthodox church in Romania, Vasile Bănescu, acknowledged at the end of November that there were many priests who campaign for Georgescu.

The political church

The orthodox church in Romania has traditionally played a political role. For instance, during the communist regime, many priests collaborated with the secret police. After the fall of communism, the orthodox church used nationalist rhetoric to try and restore its credibility among the public. As part of that strategy, it strengthened ties with two radical-right parties: the Party of Romanian National Unity and the Greater Romania party. Their common agenda covered nationalism and “traditional values”, such as marriage.

At the same time, the church endorsed the conservative Christian Democratic National Peasants’ party, which won the 1996 elections and also used religion as part of its campaign.


Read more: How a little-known far-right candidate manipulated TikTok to rise to the top in the Romanian election


In the 2020 national legislative elections, many members of the orthodox church were active in the election campaign for a newly formed radical-right party. The Alliance for the Unity of Romanians (AUR) had faith as one of its four ideological pillars and against the EU. Many priests campaigned for this party and also see the EU as eroding traditional Romanian values and promoting an anti-religious way of life.

These are also values which chime with Georgescu’s campaign which was critical of the EU and pledged to move Romania closer to Russia. The orthodox church has also backed a campaign to make educational materials discussing LGBT rights illegal.

In 2024 AUR nominated George Becali, who has strong radical right views and ties with the church, as a candidate for parliament.

Before the 2024 national legislative elections, two new parties split from AUR. One, SOS Romania, is led by Diana Iovanovici Șoșoacă, a representative in the European Parliament who often makes statements on religious topics. Several orthodox priests controversially accompanied her to a commemoration of the leader of the Legionary movement (also called the Iron Guard), an ultranationalist, antisemitic and fascist organisation in the 1920s and 1930s, on November 30 this year.

The role of some within the orthodox church in this recent controversial election and who they chose to support raises questions over its place within Romanian society, and what kind of society it wants to support in the future.

The Conversation

Sergiu Gherghina does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

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