Over the past week tens of thousands of people have taken to the streets of German cities to demonstrate against rightwing extremism. The protests were sparked by the revelation that members of the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party had attended a meeting with neo-Nazis and other extremists to discuss the mass deportation of migrants, asylum seekers and German citizens of foreign origin deemed to have failed to integrate.
What do we know about the meeting?
The meeting took place in a hotel outside the east German city of Potsdam on 25 November, but did not come to light until 10 January, when it was revealed by the investigative outlet Correctiv. A central focus was a presentation by Martin Sellner, the Austrian leader of the ethno-nationalist Identitarian movement, about the practicalities of carrying out mass deportation, referred to in far-right circles as “remigration”.
According to reports from participants shared with Correctiv’s journalists, business figures were present who donated money to the cause. An emphasis was placed upon on how to implement the deportation policy in the event that the AfD came to power.
According to reports by Die Zeit and Der Spiegel on 18 January, the November meeting was in fact the seventh of its kind.
Who are the main figures in the controversy?
Of the various participants identified by Correctiv, the most prominent is Sellner, who is considered a poster boy for young rightwing extremists across Europe.
According to Correctiv the event was organised by a retired dentist called Gernot Mörig, who once led the far-right Association of Homeland Faithful Youth, and Hans-Christian Limmer, an entrepreneur and investor. Limmer has rejected the suggestion he supports the proposals.
Mario Müller – a member of the Identitarian movement known for his international connections with far-right campaigners and an adviser to an AfD MP – is reported to have spoken at the event on the topic of attacking leftwing activists.
Other leading AfD members whose attendance was confirmed included Roland Hartwig, an adviser – since dismissed – to the party’s co-leader and parliamentary chief, Alice Weidel; Tim Krause, the party’s district chair in Potsdam; and Ulrich Siegmund, the joint parliamentary chair in the state of Saxony-Anhalt.
Two members of the opposition ultra-conservative WerteUnion alliance, whose members are affiliated with the mainstream rightwing CDU/CSU parties, were also present. The alliance said its members were attending in a private capacity.
How have other politicians and the public reacted?
With fury. The German chancellor, Olaf Scholz, said the meeting should be examined by the constitutional court, writing on X: “We won’t allow anyone to distinguish the ‘we’ in our country based on whether someone has an immigration history or not.”
Christian Dürr, the pro-business FDP’s parliamentary group leader, drew parallels to the Nazi era and said the AfD had shown the extent to which it “rejects democracy”.
The interior minister, Nancy Faeser, called on the CDU to distance itself from the far right. “A creeping normalisation of inhumane and anti-democratic policies on the far right must not be allowed to continue,” she said.
Tens of thousands of people have participated in nightly protests. The biggest so far, in Cologne on 16 January, drew 30,000 people.
A fledgling umbrella alliance called Hand in Hand has called for a rally against the far right that could attract hundreds of thousands of participants in Berlin on 3 February. Organisers want participants to form a human chain around the Reichstag.
Banning the AfD and stripping prominent members of their basic rights are among some of the measures being called for by protesters and politicians.
What does the AfD stand for and how big a role does it play in German politics?
Formed in 2013 as an anti-establishment, anti-euro force by academics and economists, the AfD quickly morphed into an anti-immigrant party, ditching its original founders.
It gained particular traction in 2015 when about a million migrants and refugees arrived in Germany, and entered the Bundestag for the first time in 2017, initially as the leading opposition party.
Its popularity has risen again since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, on the back of disgruntlement over high energy bills, food inflation, and what it sees as the high moral and financial cost of defending Ukraine.
Widespread dissatisfaction with Germany’s coalition government over its handling of a slew of challenges is helping to fuel support. Nationwide the party is polling at about 20%, rising to as high as 36% in some parts of the east.
In August the party won its first mayoral post, in the eastern state of Saxony-Anhalt. In December its candidate won another mayoral election in neighbouring Saxony. It is set to secure the most votes of any party at highly anticipated elections in three states in the autumn.
What might happen next?
So far there are no signs that support for the party has waned since the scandal broke. On the contrary, some observers say it has only strengthened.
Public campaigns in favour of banning the AfD are likely to gain traction but will be hard to realise given a lack of support among high-ranking politicians. Both Scholz and his deputy, Robert Habeck, have warned of a backlash from AfD supporters if an attempt to ban the party fails.
More generally, the government will come under increasing pressure to show it has a grip on the situation and is doing what it can to tackle the rise of the AfD head on.
