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Newslaundry
National
Azeefa Fathima

The reasons for male suicides in India: What the numbers tell us

“Nearly one lakh men die by suicide ever year due to marriage-related problems,” screamed several television anchors and Men’s Rights Activists on social media, following the suicide of Bengaluru based techie Atul Subhash. The 35-year-old’s death and suicide notes — including one on video — have triggered a widespread debate across India in this regard. Men’s Rights Activists are campaigning with renewed vigour against what they claim are gender-biased laws in India — there’s even a petition to make sections 85 and 86 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) (previously section 498A of the Indian Penal Code (IPC)) — which deals with cruelty by husband or his family — gender neutral. The loud claim many are making is that feminism and “women’s empowerment” has gone “too far” — and that there is now a society wide problem of wives driving their husbands to suicide. That in fact, there is no need for laws to exclusively protect women in India. 

The official numbers by the Indian government, however, don’t support this claim that patriarchy is over in India and women have now become the oppressors of men. Whether we look at sexual assault, workplace sexual harassment, street sexual harassment, dowry deaths, domestic violence — the statistics say that violence against women is alive and well in the country.

Suicides are rarely the result of a single factor. They are deeply influenced by a web of social, cultural, systemic, and economic conditions. Yet, the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) reports on suicides often simplify these complex issues, attributing them to a single cause. When we look closely at NCRB data, several key trends emerge. 

On average, over the past eight years (2015 to 2022), nearly 1,01,188 men have died by suicide each year, compared to 43,314 women. The rate of suicide for men is 14.2 per 100,000 male population, while for women, it is 6.6 per 100,000 female population.

The primary reason for suicide, regardless of gender, is “family problems,” which account for 23.06% of suicides in India. However, the NCRB does not clearly define what constitutes “family problems”, leaving the term open to interpretation. Illness ranks the second largest cause of suicides, contributing to 23.05% of deaths. 

Marriage-related issues are the third most common cause, responsible for 3.28% of suicides among men and 9.66% among women. There are five sub categories under “marriage related issues” listed by the NCRB — non-settlement of marriage, dowry disputes, extra-marital affairs, divorce, and others. The total number of suicides due to marriage-related issues over the last eight years is 26,588 men, and 33,480 women. Under this category, dowry-related issues are the largest cause of suicide among women (14,250), and “non-settlement of marriage” is the largest cause among men (10,119). 

There is no specific definition for "non-settlement of marriage" -- but it likely refers to unmarried persons. Senior police officers  told TNM that this phrase is used when a marriage does not happen or gets cancelled, mainly due to false promises, deceit, or monetary exploitation, as well as due to dowry demands, threats, or abuse.

It's also important to note that out of the 8,09,506 men who have died by suicide between 2015 and 2022, farmers and farm labourers constitute about 10% — 81,402. While the top reasons for these suicides are socioeconomic factors and crop failures, there are no sub categories for farmers who died due to another reason.

So, why do more men die of suicide?

A significant factor lies in the methods men choose when attempting suicide. A research paper titled ‘Is Lethality Different between Males and Females? Clinical and Gender Differences in Inpatient Suicide Attempters’ reveals that men often use more violent and lethal methods, which results in higher lethality rates. Women, although they attempt suicide more frequently, tend to choose methods with lower immediate fatality. This often leads to a higher likelihood of rescue and intervention, whereas the more extreme measures chosen by men — such as jumping in front of trains or using firearms — result in fewer chances for survival. This difference in the lethality of methods underscores the importance of targeted suicide prevention strategies, recognising the gender-specific patterns in suicide behaviors.

The NCRB numbers are in line with this study. For every 10 women who die by methods such as sleeping pills, drowning, or consuming poison, 21 men die using similar means. Men are 61 times more likely to die by jumping in front of a train or vehicle (10:61 ratio), and 35 times more likely to die from electrocution (10:35 ratio). These figures highlight the more violent nature of male suicide attempts, which not only results in a higher death rate but also makes intervention efforts more challenging.

The 498A fight

Section 498A of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), introduced in 1983, was a pivotal legal provision aimed at protecting women from cruelty within marriage. The section specifically addresses cases where a woman is subjected to harassment or abuse by her husband or his family, including demands for dowry, emotional distress, and physical abuse. It was a response to the growing awareness of domestic violence and the need to protect women in an often patriarchal society.

With the introduction of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), the provisions of Section 498A were split into sections 85 and 86. Section 85 defines the act of "husband or relative of husband of a woman subjecting her to cruelty," while section 86 outlines the specific acts of cruelty. These provisions were intended to offer legal recourse for women facing domestic abuse. 

Every year, over one lakh cases are registered under Section 498A. According to NCRB data, 1,40,019 cases were filed in 2022 alone. Over the last eight years, "Cruelty by Husband or His Relatives" has consistently been the most reported crime against women under the IPC. However, the average conviction rate for these cases has been just 15.7%.

For women’s rights groups, the law is a crucial step in recognising domestic violence and framing cruelty as a criminal, gendered act — and the low conviction rates show the inefficiency of the system in dealing with these cases. For Men’s Rights Activists (MRAs), however, the low conviction rate is evidence that the law has become a tool for revenge or extortion.

Why conviction rates are low

In her book The Trouble with Marriage: Feminists Confront Law and Violence in India, scholar Srimati Basu explores the challenges of enforcing Section 498A. She points out that one major reason for low conviction rates is the difficulty in providing clear evidence, especially in cases of mental cruelty. Convictions are more likely in cases involving additional charges, such as murder (Section 302) or dowry deaths (Section 304B).

Practical barriers also hinder women from pursuing cases under Section 498A. Filing a complaint can often lead to the woman being denied access to her matrimonial home. Without alternative shelter or financial support, many are coerced into reconciliation. In some cases, families offer to settle the matter in exchange for an easy divorce, further complicating the process for women seeking justice. These systemic challenges force many women to either drop their cases or return to abusive environments, undermining the law’s purpose.

The low conviction rate is frequently cited as proof of the law's misuse, but experts argue it is more reflective of the inherent difficulties in prosecuting cases of domestic violence. The Supreme Court, in a 2005 decision, acknowledged the potential for misuse but maintained that the law is essential for protecting women from abuse.

MRAs claim the law is often weaponised in divorce cases, with allegations of cruelty used as leverage for alimony or property settlements. This perception, combined with the low conviction rate, fosters suspicion around the law’s application. According to Srimati Basu, this atmosphere of doubt often leads to police apathy, especially toward victims from marginalised socio-economic backgrounds.

As Basu’s book highlights, Section 498A underscores the complexities of addressing domestic violence in a deeply unequal society. “Section 498A is huge in the popular imagination  as a useful institutionalised tool to feminists and a symbol of terror, persecution, and impoverishment to those who oppose them — but it ultimately demonstrates the difficulties of negotiating plural options in the face of gendered material inequalities and proves to be weak in remedying violence,” she writes.

The new petition

On December 13, Supreme Court advocate Vishal Tiwari filed a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) in the Supreme Court, alleging misuse of dowry laws and domestic violence statutes in India. He argued that false cases under IPC Section 498A and the Dowry Prohibition Act have led to widespread societal discord, mental health issues, and even suicides among accused men. Referencing cases like Atul Subhash's suicide, Tiwari stressed the urgency of reforming these laws to "prevent misuse and protect innocent men."

Tiwari’s petition described how the alleged misuse of dowry laws undermines the original intent behind their enactment. He argued that exaggerated claims of dowry during marital disputes often result in undue harassment of husbands and their families. To mitigate this, Tiwari proposed a system where every marriage registration application includes a detailed affidavit of all gifts, money, and items exchanged during the marriage. This affidavit, he suggested, could serve as an official record attached to the marriage certificate to avoid future disputes or fraudulent claims.

The petition referenced two significant cases to support its claims:

  • Preeti Gupta v. State of Jharkhand (2010): In this case, the Supreme Court acknowledged the growing number of matrimonial disputes and expressed concerns over exaggerated allegations in dowry and cruelty cases. The court added that criminal trials in these matters cause immense suffering for all parties involved, with even acquittals unable to erase the stigma and trauma. “It is high time that the legislature must take into consideration the pragmatic realities and make suitable changes in the existing law,” the court had said.

  • Appeal in Achin Gupta versus State of Haryana case: Tiwari noted that the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023, which replaced the IPC, retains the essence of section 498A under its sections 85 and 86 with minimal changes. The Supreme Court had previously criticised this verbatim adoption, calling for legislative amendments to reflect earlier recommendations made in Preeti Gupta v. State of Jharkhand.

Tiwari’s petition sought not only the implementation of prior court observations but also the establishment of an expert committee. This committee, comprising retired judges, legal scholars, and jurists, should be tasked with reviewing existing dowry and domestic violence legislation to propose reforms aimed at curbing misuse, he has demanded. 

How suicide numbers are calculated in India

India’s suicide data is primarily drawn from police records, with the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) under the Ministry of Home Affairs tasked with compiling and analysing this information. The process begins when an unnatural death is reported to the local police, who investigate and classify it as a suicide if corroborated. These records are then passed through the District and State Crime Records Bureaus to the NCRB, which standardises the data and publishes annual reports. These records include details such as age, gender, marital status, and method of suicide, along with causes broadly categorised under headings like “family problems”,  “illness,” and “non settlement of marriage”. 

The NCRB determines national suicide rates by calculating the number of suicides per 100,000 population using census data and mid-year population estimates.

This system has significant limitations. Suicides are often underreported due to societal stigma or potential legal repercussions, although the latter has been mitigated with the decriminalisation of suicide attempts. Researchers have also noted that female suicides are particularly prone to underreporting, given cultural and familial pressures. Another issue lies in the aggregation of data. The NCRB publishes only broad statistics, which restricts deeper analysis of individual cases or specific trends. 

As Dr Soumitra Pathare described in his book, Life Interrupted: Understanding India's Suicide Crisis, what we record as suicide "…ultimately boils down to what the constable at the local police station will record as suicide."

The crucial work of suicide prevention

Addressing these gaps is critical for improving suicide prevention is India and it must go beyond improving data accuracy. Suicide is a deeply complex issue that demands a responsible approach to it, especially when discussing it in public forums. Research show that irresponsible narratives about suicides, especially those that sensationalise or detail methods can trigger copy cat behaviour. This phenomenon known as “Werther effect” highlights the responsibility of media and social media platforms in shaping public understanding. Social media spaces such as Reddit, are rife with posts from individuals seeking to emulate the tragic cases of Atul Subhash.

Organisations like the Centre for Mental Health Law & Policy (CMHLP) are spearheading efforts to address this crisis. One of their key initiatives, Atmiyata, aims to foster mental health and well-being at the grassroots level. Atmiyata relies on community volunteers who provide emotional support and mental health assistance, bridging the gap for those who might not otherwise seek professional help. This initiative reflects a broader philosophy: suicide prevention is most effective when it’s embedded within communities.

Another critical offering by CMHLP is their Gatekeeper Training Course for Suicide Prevention. These courses equip participants to recognise warning signs, offer support and guide individuals towards professional help. Similar gatekeeper courses are also offered by other organisations, such as Suicide Prevention India Foundation, National Institute of Mental Health and Neurosciences broadening access to these life-saving skills.

Dr Kaustubh Joag, psychiatrist and program director at CMHLP, emphasises the importance of policy frameworks in addressing suicide prevention. “At the top level, we have the National Mental Health Policy of 2014 and the National Suicide Prevention Strategy of 2022. These were created at the Union government level, with the latter outlining detailed responses for various systems. While implementation is still a challenge, having a strategy and guidelines is a step forward. Some states, like Sikkim and Tamil Nadu, have even developed their own strategies based on the national framework,” he said. 

Dr Joag also highlighted the unique socio-economic context of suicides in India. “Globally, suicides are often linked to mental health conditions, but in India, mental health is not always the causative factor. Around 50% of people who die by suicide here don’t necessarily have a diagnosable mental illness. Instead, their actions are often driven by life situations such as socioeconomic pressures, academic failures, or unemployment. To effectively prevent suicides, we must first understand these causative links and tailor our efforts accordingly."

He further stressed the importance of safe spaces, particularly for men in a patriarchal society where they are often discouraged from addressing vulnerabilities openly. “Creating safe spaces is essential—places where people can reach out for support during distress or suicidal thoughts. This requires sensitisation across community spaces like schools, colleges, and workplaces. Just as we've normalised good-touch and bad-touch training for children, we need similar suicide prevention training at all levels.”

He advocated for a multi-pronged approach, citing WHO's contact and safety planning for suicide prevention as a key tool that can be taught to anyone, regardless of their mental health background. He also stresses the importance of helplines, which provide critical, immediate support during crises when individuals may find it difficult to reach out to someone in person.

Media plays a pivotal role in suicide prevention. Dr Joag cautioned that insensitive reporting can have devastating effects. “If suicides are not reported properly, it can trigger vulnerable individuals. There are training programs for journalists, but regional media outlets, especially those reporting in local languages, must also adopt these practices. Proper training can ensure coverage is sensitive and non-triggering.”

While the focus is on empowering communities to take proactive steps, there’s also an implicit challenge here: for those who claim to care about high suicide rates—whether it’s men’s rights activists or others—these courses offer a tangible way to make a difference. Instead of merely amplifying grievances or assigning blame, enrolling in such programs is a direct and meaningful way to contribute to prevention efforts.

If you are aware of anyone facing mental health issues or feeling suicidal, please provide help. Here are some helpline numbers of suicide-prevention organisations that can offer emotional support to individuals and families.

Click here for working helplines across India.

This report was republished from The News Minute as part of The News Minute-Newslaundry alliance. Read about our partnership here and become a subscriber here.

Newslaundry is a reader-supported, ad-free, independent news outlet based out of New Delhi. Support their journalism, here.

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