“There is a debate, it's a legitimate debate and there'll be time to have it after this week is over” — those were the words of Wales' First Minister Mark Drakeford about the future role of a Prince of Wales (if indeed it is needed at all) after the death of Queen Elizabeth II.
That week is now over. It saw the swift appointment of Prince William into the role vacated by Charles and, almost as quickly, a petition set up calling for an end the title Prince of Wales, which now has close to 35,000 signatures.
It isn’t unreasonable to question if the way our country is run is the optimum way for the UK to be governed. Especially given that the UK is not a normal country. It is a union of four nations, all with their own identity and all full of citizens who identify with varying degrees of commitment to the idea of Britishness and how that sits with their feelings of being Scottish, Welsh or English (Northern Ireland is a can of worms beyond the scope of this piece).
Read more : Nine things you need to consider when deciding whether to support an independent Wales
The UK is unusual and, despite the constant projections of steadfast traditions and ingrained customs we've seen over the last fortnight, it has been in a relentless state of flux for the past 25 years with the creation of two new parliaments (Holyrood and Cardiff Bay), an Assembly (Northern Ireland) and departure from the EU. Given all this, it's perfectly legitimate to debate the role of the Prince of Wales with the attitude of a progressive, modern state.
So let’s have this conversation. When civil and respectful (which has felt a lot harder in recent years) conversations are a great thing. They build bridges and spark progress. This isn’t an attack on the royals or those who support their existence. It is an upfront and honest chewing-over of how the role of the Prince of Wales can (or should) fit into the modern Welsh democracy. Tell us what you think in our survey
Where are we at now?
We need to begin this by saying that Prince William seems to be incredibly popular within Wales and the wider UK. A YouGov poll just last week found that the Prince of Wales (though he is yet to have an investiture) has an 84% approval rating - the highest of any Royal. Professor Martin Johnes, academic and historian of modern Wales at Swansea University, told WalesOnline: “Opinion polls today suggest that the majority of people do support and maybe it’s not an academic’s place to tell people what to think. However, the monarchy itself is a very strange concept for a modern democracy. To have an elected head of state and then the title Prince of Wales being passed from one generation to the other is a little bit odd, but in a way sums up the whole thing about monarchy. It doesn’t make a huge amount of sense in a modern democracy, but the majority of people like it. They like the pageantry, they like the sense of history, it gives them a sense of identity. If that’s what people want then who am I to say that they shouldn’t?”
So why is there hostility towards it?
The tension that surrounds the title draws from both understandable historic grievances and legitimate present day frustrations. Taking the historic side first, the title of Prince of Wales was instituted in 1307 by King Edward I, when he invested his eldest son, Edward II, as the first English Prince of Wales. The traditional ostrich feather badge and the motto 'Ich dien' (‘I serve’ in German) was adopted by Edward.
Professor Johnes said: “The Prince of Wales [title] was used by the last ruler of independent Wales, Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, in the 13th century. He used it as a way to show his lordship over other Welsh leaders. It was essentially his way of saying he was in charge. But when Gwynedd, the last of independent Wales, was defeated Edward I took the title Prince of Wales from Llywelyn and gave it to his son as a way of symbolically showing that Wales was now under the control of the English crown. But there was probably a practical side to having the title as well because the Prince of Wales had various duties due to treaties in England. Having another Prince of Wales, therefore, provided a legal continuity.”
So the origins of the title (at least in its current form) are for many people a direct symbol of English oppression over Wales. Edward I’s son was followed by 19 princes under English crown rule until it reached Prince Charles who had his investiture at Caernarfon Castle , which was built expressly to repress the native Welsh.
Set against a rising sense of discontent in Wales after the drowning of Capel Celyn and the declining of the Welsh language (itself the subject of a great deal of oppression) there were real mistakes made with Charles’ 1969 investiture. Just holding the ceremony at Caernarfon Castle didn’t have to be provocative in and of itself. If the ceremony had been conducted in the right way it could have actually been a healing process, an acknowledgment of past hurt while illustrating a modern UK where the uniqueness of each constituent part are respected and valued. But instead we ended up with a ceremony that was utterly medieval.
On his knees before his own mother, Charles swore to be her “liege, man of life and limb and of earthly worship, and faith and truth I will bear unto thee to live and die against all manner of folks”. It wouldn’t have been hard to imagine Edward II saying the exact words to his father immediately after the Welsh were subjected, surrounded by a Ring of Iron.
Dafydd Wigley, former Plaid Cymru leader, MP for Caernarfon from 1974-2001 and himself now a member of the antiquated House of Lords, recalled political tensions during the 1969 investiture. Speaking about how then Welsh secretary George Thomas used the investiture to “break the national movement” in Welsh politics at the time he said: “I remember that time very well. I was a candidate for Meirionnydd and was adopted in 1968, the investiture happened in 1969 and then the election happened in 1970.
“I was right in the middle of it. Gwynfor Evans won his seat in Carmarthenshire in 1966. It was a massive historical moment as this was the first time Plaid Cymru had won a Member of Parliament seat. There was a flood of enthusiasm, especially within the younger generation who were backing Gwynfor. George Thomas was concerned about what was happening in the Valleys. There was a by-election in the Rhondda in 1967 and another one in Caerphilly in 1968. Plaid nearly won both seats. George Thomas, who was completely cynical in my opinion, used the investiture and Prince Charles to try to break the national movement. I don’t think Prince Charles realised to what extent George Thomas had tried to break that. There’s no question that he used Prince Charles for that, and for that there is more blame resting on George Thomas’ shoulders than there is on Prince Charles’ for the circus that was the investiture. I don’t think there’s a place for an investiture of that type now.”
Of course this was half a century ago and only partly explains the current animosity towards the Prince of Wales role. As Prince William enters that role, Wales is in a very different place compared to where it was when his father took on the role. Wales now has its own parliament. In the last election there were young people voting who had only lived under devolution. A pandemic and a contentious referendum have awoken people in Wales’ devolved consciousness and the idea of Welshness is being more widely and passionately expressed than at any time in living memory. There is discontent in some quarters with what is perceived to be an England-centric UK Government in Westminster and the Royal family, with the pageantry, pomp and titles seen by some as the embodiment of a system from which Wales should be unshackled.
But for all these grievances we come back to the dilemma that despite these deep reservations by many the monarchy is still incredibly popular among large sections of the Welsh public, just as they were when the crowds gathered to cheer Charles in 1969. Is there a compromise to be reached where the role could be reformed? Could it perhaps build bridges with elements of Welsh society rather than be a symbol of a ruling class they feel isn’t for them?
A 21st century Prince?
Though it might sound strange to say, there are actually no official duties involving Wales for the holder of the title Prince of Wales. The role is whatever the title's holder decides to make of it. According to Robert Hazell, who is a professor of government and constitution at University College London, there is actually only one formal responsibility that William has now that his father is King. He told WalesOnline: "The only title that comes with responsibilities is being Duke of Cornwall because William is now the owner of the Duchy of Cornwall. That is a huge landholding. Most of its lands are in fact not in Cornwall but mainly in the southwest and southern England. That will be a big responsibility, because he will be a major landowner. But there are no equivalent duties that go with being Prince of Wales. Nobody's going to claim he owns Wales or any part of it.”
So ultimately the impact the Prince of Wales has on Wales itself falls to the whims of the person in question. Since the pageantry that surrounded his investiture, there are many who would subsequently praise Charles’ commitment to Wales. John Morris (now Lord Morris of Aberavon) is the oldest of the 732 Privy Council members (formally a body of advisers to the monarch) aged 91. Though you would imagine, given his lofty titles, that he would be unyielding in his support for the role of the monarchy (and he is 100% behind the continuation of the Prince of Wales role), his credentials for pushing for Welsh autonomy are strong: he was secretary of state for Wales and brought forward the referendum in 1979 for the creation of a Welsh assembly (a vote which was lost). He told WalesOnline that Charles was emotionally invested in the affairs of Wales both politically and culturally adding that “it would be great loss” to Wales if the new Prince of Wales did not maintain the engagement with Cymru.
Will William have that link to Wales? Another former Wales secretary Peter Hain believes so. He said: “As far William is concerned, I've seen him, for example, at the Millennium Stadium cheering on the Welsh team at home internationals, including against England. He's passionate about Wales. And he's very different from Charles, they are different generations. He is very switched on. I discussed Northern Ireland and Wales with him as well.
“I remember, for example, at a function in London on Africa, he was the chief guest. He'd seen me on Newsnight the night before talking about my worries over the Good Friday peace process in Northern Ireland as a result of Brexit. He was very interested as he was when I had chats with him at the Millennium Stadium before matches. I found him very engaged.”
But a system whereby it is down to the prerogative of the individual holding the Prince of Wales title to dictate their role in Wales seems a bit haphazard. What about when we have a Prince who couldn’t give two hoots about Wales? It has happened before.
Well, Professor Hazell thinks that there would be push-back to the idea that the Prince of Wales should be uniquely focused on Wales itself. He said: “The royal family will be resistant if anyone proposes that William should devote his attention exclusively to Wales. But I don't imagine that's going to be a proposal that's likely to emerge. I think people in Wales will understand that, as the heir apparent, he has to devote attention to all parts of the UK and to all the nations within the UK. Although one hopes, given his new title, that he will have a special affection for Wales.
“To some extent, where royals spend their time visiting depends on the bids that they receive. When you read that some royal went and opened some new public building, it's because a year or so beforehand some public official said ‘We're opening our new library, or swimming pool, shall we see if a royal will come and do it? And those bids get fed through the local lord lieutenant and forwarded to the royal households. The more that Wales asks Prince William to do things, the more likely it is that Wales will see him more often.”
Some of these increased links with Wales could involve learning Cymraeg or having a royal residence in Wales (Charles has his Llwynywermod estate outside Llandovery). But Professor Hazell believes there are possibly more ways for William to have a “special relationship” with Wales: “The Senedd could always invite the Prince of Wales to open new sessions of the Senedd and perhaps important agricultural shows such as the Royal Welsh,” he said.
The challenge, the opportunity and the likelihood
The challenge ahead for William, and the role of Prince of Wales in general, is that in its current form the role is looking more and more out of date in a modern democratic Wales. Owain Williams, a former Gwynedd councillor and one of the “Tryweryn bombers” who bombed the Tryweryn dam built to supply Liverpool with water, told WalesOnline: “We live in a democratic country and the way things work here is if you vote, you either keep or kick someone out, it’s as simple as that. Having a monarch goes against that and we’ve been stuck to them for centuries. And in this current climate, where people can’t afford to buy food or heat up their homes, we have one family living on millions. It’s immoral that this circus is allowed to continue.”
And it isn't just ardent Welsh nationalists who have reservations about the role. Jessica Dunrod, a Cardiff writer and linguist, whose books like Your Hair is Your Crown have been praised by some members of the Royal Family, including King Charles and Harry and Meghan. Speaking about the Royals in general she told WalesOnline: “I have mixed feelings about them. Since the Queen’s death, I have reflected on a lot of things. I’m still trying to assess it still because I am half white, so my white side of my family want to say “oh my gosh, she reminds me of my Nan” but then I’m a direct descendant of enslaved people in the Caribbean, who have yet to see reparations and I am directly experiencing the lack of generational wealth and institutional problems which has left a legacy in Wales.
“I’d rather be a King of Wales than a British monarch because they don’t represent me. I think after Charles, it was enough. We don’t need another Prince. I think a modern, progressive Wales needs to figure out what it wants. For Wales, if we were to change anything about the Prince of Wales, it would have to be on the Senedd and our representatives to use their power to have a say in this. To be a pessimist, I don’t think our officials have the ability to change our monarchy at the moment. They are not being loud enough and these events are just happening and we are not saying anything.”
In their book, The Role of Monarchy in Modern Democracy: European Monarchies Compared, Professor Robert Hazell and Dr Bob Morris listed key lessons that modern monarchies need to do in order to survive. Front and centre of that list is “maintain public support”. They do this through accountability, commitment, “keeping the team small” and remaining “scrupulously neutral”.
In an increasingly diverse Wales, with a plurality of views, with deep fault lines in society, how can the royals maintain the necessary widespread public support? It is very hard to toe the fine line of appealing to a broad range of people when that line is a chasm.
Professor Johnes believes that the Prince of Wales role could be lost in the attempt to toe that line. He said: “I think Prince William will be the last Prince of Wales. The sense of emotional attachment to the monarchy is much stronger in older people. In my children’s generation, it’s hard to see them carrying on with the sense that a monarchy is a good idea.
“And that means that the monarchy will either have to reinvent itself or just disappear. I suspect that the monarchy will reinvent itself on a much smaller scale. It will become a lot smaller, it will lose some of the old titles, it will lose some of the old traditions, it will try to become cheaper and more modern and more in tune with the younger generation.
“I think that the title of Prince of Wales will be one of the aspects that it loses. Anything that is contentious, will be shed in an effort to survive. I think the Prince of Wales title will probably disappear as part of a wider modernisation of monarchy.”
Despite the sense of permanence that came with the Queen, the monarchy has actually shown a great propensity to reform and evolve. Whether it be the Queen attending the National Eisteddfod or beginning a state banquet in Dublin Castle in May 2011 by speaking Irish, the royals are good at keeping relevant.
“We shouldn’t underestimate the monarchy,” said Professor Johnes. “The monarchy has survived a long time by successfully reinventing itself again and again. It has moved with the times in many ways despite its appearance as something very old and traditional. It’s done very well to reinvent itself.”
Perhaps nothing underscores the durability of the monarchy more than the proposals made to radically reform or even break up the UK. Glyndwr Cennydd Jones is an advocate for a UK-wide constitutional convention which would radically reform the island of Great Britain and end the UK as we know it. His vision would still have the monarch as the head of state who would “hold frequent audiences with the nations’ First Ministers, accompanied by a reoriented privy council containing Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish and English divisions”.
Even the SNP, who want to break up the United Kingdom ruled by the House of Windsor, wants to keep the monarchy in place after any successful Scottish independence vote, though this is more for practical, referendum-winning reasons than ideological principle. Ultimately, the UK is changing and the role of the Prince of Wales will have to evolve to fit this. Whatever the form, it is vital the people of Wales have a role in this conversation. We have our own democracy here in Wales and it is perfectly correct that we discuss and voice our views on the high office of state that bears the name of our nation.
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