The multiple standing ovations that Benjamin Netanyahu received in Washington this week, on his first trip abroad since the Hamas attack of 7 October, must have rung hollow even to his ears. The problem was not merely the distraction of the US political class by Joe Biden’s abandonment of his re-election bid, and Kamala Harris’s ascension. Almost half of House and Senate Democrats boycotted his address to Congress. Many instead met relatives of hostages, who are furious at Mr Netanyahu for failing to reach a ceasefire agreement. Nancy Pelosi described his speech as by far the worst by any foreign dignitary at the Capitol.
The Israeli prime minister is used to unpopularity: around 70% of Israelis think he has not done enough to win the hostages’ release; a similar number want him to resign. But abroad, he bears much of the responsibility for a decisive shift in attitudes towards his country as well as himself, even in its staunchest ally.
Each day brings news of fresh horrors from Gaza. Though health authorities there say 39,000 people, mostly civilians, have died since the war began, even those numbers cannot encapsulate the scale of loss, suffering and dread. There is also a growing understanding that Mr Netanyahu is not seeking a way out, as he claims and the White House wishes, but to prolong the war; and that the roots of this catastrophe predate the Hamas atrocities in October that prompted Israel’s offensive.
The international court of justice this month offered a damning indictment of Israel’s occupation of the Palestinian territories, finding multiple breaches of international law. While the advisory opinion is non‑binding, it is also entirely unambiguous, warning other states that they are obliged not to recognise the occupation as lawful nor to aid or assist it. This is a historic judgment, and an authoritative statement of the law. It is a challenge to countries that have criticised settlement building, yet done little to address it until recently.
On Friday, Australia, New Zealand and Canada jointly called for Israel to respond to the ICJ ruling, and for an immediate ceasefire. There is growing willingness to recognise an independent Palestinian state, as Spain, Norway and Ireland did this spring. In Washington, Ms Harris struck a very different note from Mr Biden, insisting that “I will not be silent” on Palestinian suffering in Gaza. Democratic concerns about vanishing voters point towards a rethink, but it is unclear whether she would be substantively as well as rhetorically tougher if she won the presidency. Mr Netanyahu is counting on Donald Trump’s return to the White House, though he has singed even that relationship’s bridges. But the underlying trend in public opinion will not change unless Israel itself does.
In the UK, where Labour’s perceived indifference to Palestinian lives cost it votes and seats in the election, there is already movement. The new government has thankfully resumed funding to Unrwa, the Palestinian relief agency, long after others did so. Downing Street confirmed on Friday that the UK has dropped its opposition to the international criminal court issuing an international arrest warrant for Mr Netanyahu over alleged war crimes. David Lammy, the new foreign secretary, will soon decide whether to publish legal advice on the supply of arms to Israel. Sources have told the Guardian he is preparing to announce a partial ban on the sale of weapons. He should do both.
