On Aug 7, Myanmar's President Min Aung Hlaing paid his respects at the memorials of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit The Queen Mother and Her Royal Highness Princess Bajrakitiyabha Narendiradebyavati at the Grand Palace. He also paid homage to the Emerald Buddha there.
In the Theravada Buddhist tradition, such reverence demonstrates the religious respect, shared dharma heritage and reconciliation that bind Myanmar and Thailand, which have been through both good and bad times during their centuries of relations.
Complementing their shared Buddhist beliefs, border management, and economic and human security efforts provided a crucial diplomatic backdrop for his two-day visit last week. Nonetheless, criticisms have been heaped on Thailand for welcoming such a controversial leader. Civil society groups raised hell and fire against the host. His trip to Laos last month, which largely shunned scrutiny, was the first invitation from a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) since the coup he oversaw in early 2021.
In mainland Southeast Asia, a faith-based approach has long functioned as a soft-power tool, allowing political leaders to project moral and other forms of legitimacy during periods of geopolitical tension.
This time around, Thailand and Myanmar have an unprecedented opportunity to establish a broad diplomatic and security framework that will impact their future ties and those of neighbouring countries. These efforts aim to replace the quasi-lawlessness along their border with, hopefully, some structured order. It is much needed to curb rampant transnational criminal networks, including human and narcotics trafficking and online scam compounds along the porous border.
As such, the reopening of the Second Thailand-Myanmar Friendship Bridge linking Mae Sot with Myawaddy is a case in point. Built in 2019, this vital land route was supposed to facilitate more border trade as Myanmar was undergoing dramatic political and economic transformation at the time. But it has suffered prolonged disruptions caused by armed clashes in the area. However, Nay Pyi Taw has reopened it as there is now sufficient operational security along the border corridor.
In a policy shift, Myanmar has welcomed Thailand's readiness to facilitate peace talks between the military government and ethnic armed organisations. In the past, Nay Pyi Taw was intransigent due to perceived trust deficits between civilian and military decision-makers. However, after the two Bangkok meetings in mid-July between Asean foreign ministers and their Myanmar counterpart, Tin Maung Swe, and the Pattaya meeting with the conflicting ethnic groups, the new military-backed administration has been more forthcoming in engaging Thailand.
On the economic front, Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul and Min Aung Hlaing agreed to increase trade from US$7.4 billion (245 billion baht) to US$12 billion by the end of this year. Bangkok will also host the eighth Joint Trade Commission meeting soon to improve trade facilitation and achieve the targeted trade volume. Currently, Thai foreign direct investment ranks third, after Singapore and China, cumulatively worth US$6 billion across 13 major projects. On the sidelines of the business forum, Min Aung Hlaing also called for investment in energy, agriculture and infrastructure while promoting a local baht-kyat direct currency settlement mechanism to mitigate exchange barriers.
Most importantly, the two countries also amended a bilateral memorandum of understanding on labour cooperation and a formal employment agreement. This is a positive move to provide legal protections and recruitment channels for Myanmar migrant workers in Thailand. Their permits are being extended to keep them in legal status. In the past five years, several thousand have become undocumented.
To realise another long-delayed connectivity project linking South Asia with the East-West Economic Corridor, both countries prioritised completing the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway. Furthermore, they also reactivated the Dawei Special Economic Zone and deep-sea port on the Andaman Sea. The 2008 project has been left idle after major investors pulled out due to Myanmar's domestic uncertainty. After the 2021 coup, Nay Pyi Taw has courted new partners and sought new alliances. Russia moved into a partnership with Myanmar in May last year.
At Government House, Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangkhetkaew and his counterpart, Tin Maung Swe, signed terms of reference establishing a Joint Working Group on Water Quality Management. It aims to tackle heavy-metal contamination in shared river systems, including the Kok and Sai rivers, caused by unregulated upstream mining operations in northern Myanmar. Both leaders will jointly inspect these rivers on-site. At this juncture, this has become one of the most consequential issues in their bilateral ties. Mr Anutin's leadership is at stake.
On broader regional diplomacy, Thailand reaffirmed the Asean position on the Five-Point Consensus (5PC). Despite Min Aung Hlaing expressing exasperation at the strict adherence to the "Asean Way" in fully reintegrating with the 11-member Asean, Myanmar could not hide its desire to normalise ties with the bloc as soon as possible. Actions speak louder than words. Truth be told, the Aug 22 meeting and what he pledged to do with Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow have already become a template for what Nay Pyi Taw is willing to do. The president pledged "good news" regarding the status and condition of Aung San Suu Kyi, which has been one of the bloc's key concerns. Asean and the international community have already welcomed the proof of life of Aung San Suu Kyi, but they are asking for more concessions. Myanmar has maintained that measurable progress would be "step by step" on its own terms, known as the "Myanmar Way". The bloc's leaders are steadfast in their stance that political normalisation, especially the release of political prisoners, access to humanitarian aid for all groups and inclusive dialogue among stakeholders, must take place.
The next three months are crucial for two reasons. First, Asean Chair Foreign Secretary Maria Theresa Lazaro, who is the special envoy, will go to Myanmar on a humanitarian mission. It is possible that she could be joined by the troika team -- the past (Malaysia) and future Asean chairs (Singapore) -- to show the bloc's collective position. Finally, what kind of manifestation will be expressed in action? After all, Min Aung Hlaing's frustration with Asean and its abusive narrative, which has been widely reported and scorned, could be real or tactical. The bloc is still finalising the terms of reference for the special envoy on Myanmar. Whether the crisis in Myanmar remains permanent or not will depend on Nay Pyi Taw's cooperation.
All things considered, the visit yielded positive outcomes for Thailand-Myanmar relations, both in terms of policy and future implementation. Both the Asean chair and Thailand are working in tandem to ensure there will be a balanced but realistic approach to evaluating the new administration.
Kavi Chongkittavorn is a veteran journalist on regional affairs.
