In the recent Assembly elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, statistical analysis by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies shows that a significant section among the Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) backed the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), thus making the party a formidable force in democratic battles. It is an important development as just a decade ago, the BJP was often cornered by the Opposition as being the party of the social elites. With the arrival of Narendra Modi as the Prime Minister of India, there has been an elevation of the party as one for the socially marginalised Hindu masses — a phenomenon now understood under the ‘Subaltern Hindutva’ rubric.
In north India’s Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Chhattisgarh, the BJP is now a dominant political force. These are also the States where the population of OBCs, SCs and the STs is above the national average. In the last two decades, the BJP has successfully mobilised these groups through innovative political strategies and by curating influential cultural events. However, the actual benefits of economic developments and political change have been overtly controlled by the conventional social elites, a development that often relegates the Dalit-Bahujan masses as passive peripheral spectators in the rapid elevation of the right-wing. With the general election to be held next year, the party should address the issues of social discrimination and economic injustice more sensitively.
Outlining the party’s strategy
There are three fronts to the BJP’s mobilisation strategies towards the Dalit-Bahujan masses. First, marginalised social groups will benefit from general welfare measures (freebies, loan waivers, women-centric policy benefits) and the government will provide basic amenities to the poor (free food grains) without identifying them on the basis of caste. Second, the BJP has alleged that dominant OBC castes (Yadavs in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar) have exploited social justice policies, and, therefore, a special reservation quota should be mooted for the Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs). Third, the BJP engages the lower strata through curating emotive narratives about their history, icons and caste pride, using various religious events and cultural fronts influenced by the BJP. On the flip side, the actual issues of substantive land distributions for the landless communities, representation of the Dalit-Bahujan groups in the high echelons of power and their participation in the neo-liberal economic growth as major shareholders do not form the mainstream discussions within the BJP’s ‘Subaltern Hindutva’ strategies.
The Bihar caste report
Bihar’s Caste Survey report, that was released recently, shows that the worst-off social groups, especially EBCs, still face precarious economic conditions, social insecurities and are distanced from the basic human entitlements. It is apparent that EBCs and Dalits in other States face similar conditions. However, the BJP is yet to engage with these issues and has not offered much resolutions to contest the prevalent issues of poverty, social backwardness and landlessness. The ‘Subaltern Hindutva’, while appearing to be mainly strategic in ensuring the BJP’s electoral victories, offers no mandate to satisfy the aspirations of the worst-off social groups.
With Vishnu Deo Sai and Mohan Yadav as the Chief Ministers of Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, respectively, the BJP has demonstrated its willingness to promote new leadership from the subaltern groups, initiating a process of democratisation of the top political positions. Such initiatives should also be supplemented by effective policies for the empowerment and participation of the marginalised social groups in the economic development and social change.
The BJP must pass the social justice test as sections among the historically disadvantaged have moved to the BJP with deep expectations for their economic welfare and elevated political participation. In Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, while the combined population of Dalits and Adivasis is close to 40%, their share in political power (cabinet ministership and other important portfolios) is negligible. Similarly, EBCs are another neglected group when it comes to the distribution of important political assets. The social elites, though small in number, remain the torchbearers of Hindutva’s developmental agenda.
Second, the BJP should also ensure that a new impressive class among Dalits and Adivasis should emerge as the new leaders, business entrepreneurs and influencers in the economic sphere. Such a directive will radicalise the conventional social justice policies that often address Dalit-Adivasi groups as the passive recipients of the state’s welfare packages. Instead, Dalits and Adivasis should be identified as the essential components of neo-liberal economic development and have an equitable share in the profits of urbanisation, industrial production and technological development. More policy directives and affirmative action policies are required so that the Dalit-Adivasi class emerges as the crucial influencers in the global economy.
The possibility of a democratisation
One can expect that the new arrival of the subaltern social groups into the right-wing platform to curtail the BJP’s aggressive communal rhetoric and force the state to deal with the concerns of social justice. The development has the possibility to make the right-wing platform conducive to the values of social reforms, to understand the ecological perspectives of Adivasis, and to democratise the higher strata of power. Such assurances and their effective implementation will make the BJP a substantive democratic party, responsible for the welfare and empowerment of India’s subaltern masses.
Harish S. Wankhede is Assistant Professor, Centre for Political Studies, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
