There have been near-weekly protests in Israel since October, focusing on the release of hostages and anti-government messages. Until recently, they have rarely included calls for a ceasefire in the Gaza war, and few protesters have addressed the humanitarian crisis in Gaza or looked to a long-term peaceful solution. Some progressives argue this lack of anti-war voices reflects a militaristic, nationalist stance inherent to Israeli society and the Zionist project.
But is this true? Is a robust anti-war, pro-peace movement impossible in Israel?
Although most Israelis believed that the war against Hamas was justified, more people are questioning its effectiveness in eradicating Hamas and securing the release of the hostages. Just last week, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) spokesperson, Daniel Hagari, said that “Hamas is an idea”. Those who think it can be made to disappear are “misleading the public”.
Benjamin Netanyahu’s promise of “total victory” is now viewed as a red herring to justify crossing red lines. Meanwhile, he and his government have reportedly been blocking hostage negotiations, vilifying hostage families and focusing more on settlement benefits than on helping displaced Israelis. The IDF has also entered Rafah despite widespread public disapproval, and ministers have been advocating for the resettlement of Gaza.
These events over the past months have caused liberals who had not previously paid attention to the rising power of the settler movement, and the corruption within government, to begin connecting the dots.
Naama Lazimi, a Labor member of the Knesset, told me she had been witnessing a shift. “The Israeli public is increasingly realising that the settlers and the far right are part of the problem, and part of what brought us to 7 October. They harm and endanger our soldiers, our hostages and Israel’s standing in the world, providing fodder for our enemies.”
Despite the odds, forming an anti-war movement is challenging but feasible. It can arise from frustration with Benjamin Netanyahu and his rightwing coalition, alongside international demands for a sustainable solution. It can also build on the persistent anti-government activism that already existed before 7 October. These sentiments are reflected on the streets with the biggest anti-government protests during a war since the first Lebanon war – and even in polling data.
The government response to protest has further alienated the public. From the outset of the war, anti-war activists faced oppression from the police under the minister of national security, Ben Gvir, who used the climate of fear as justification for swift and violent retaliation and fostered a McCarthyist atmosphere pervading businesses and schools. Recently, Gadi and Reuma Kedem, whose entire family were murdered by Hamas, say they were beaten by rightwing protesters and arrested by police.
Open letters signed by hostage families, parents of reservists and soldiers on active duty have called for the operation to be halted. As Or Shneiberg, one of the letter’s initiators, stated: “We did not go to battle to seek revenge, but to restore security and fulfil our moral duty towards our kidnapped brothers and sisters.”
Anti-war movements in Israel have always faced an uphill battle. Pro-Palestinian voices, traditionally a minority, have often been attacked and maligned. But they also contributed to significant achievements, such as brokering peace with Egypt, halting the first Lebanon war, signing the Oslo accords and withdrawing from Lebanon.
The collapse of the peace process and the second intifada allowed politicians to push the narrative that “there is no partner” for peace, a stance that has solidified during Netanyahu’s tenure. Consequently, a generation has grown accustomed to a stagnant status quo, enduring cycles of violence and lacking the political imagination to express dissent. People no longer speak of peace but “containing the occupation”.
What makes this moment different? There are the long-running peace and anti-occupation movements, and a much wider base of anti-government and anti-rightwing protesters, with many goals in common. The anti-government protest movement has expanded to include diverse factions, such as the anti-occupation bloc, organisations such as Standing Together and the religious Faithful Left.
A new, revitalised anti-war bloc is crucial not only for ending violence and fostering a peaceful, secure resolution, but for rescuing Israeli society from its current perilous trajectory. After two decades marked by political hopelessness, the degradation of the left and the ascent of the settler right, such a movement is imperative. Israeli democracy is under threat: freedom of the press is being eroded, and messianic forces are not only cementing their hold on leadership, but are infiltrating the media, the judiciary and the army. A new movement is possible because it’s seen by many as Israel’s last hope.
This hasn’t been translated to national leadership. Only Lazimi’s Labor and the Arab-led parties didn’t vote to condemn the international criminal court (ICC) arrest warrant against Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant, the defence minister, showing most of the opposition isn’t ready to challenge the norms Netanyahu has propped up for a generation.
For those who claim that Israel has moved too far to the right to make any deals: didn’t Menachem Begin, who was once an insurgent against the British and Palestinians, ultimately sign a peace agreement with Egypt? And didn’t Yitzhak Rabin, who during the first intifada instructed soldiers to crush the hands and feet of Palestinians, later sign the Oslo accords and the peace agreement with Jordan? No public is inherently right or left; it requires a movement to create an atmosphere with new political possibilities.
The movement is already getting support from Israelis and their allies abroad. But it needs more. It also needs international backing, including from the pro-Palestinian movement, to create meaningful collaboration. It’s not only Israeli politics at stake, but the international order itself.
After 10/7, it is evident that maintaining the previous status quo is, in itself, a form of extremism. It is uncertain whether this movement will continue to gain wider support. However, for the first time in a generation, the Israeli public is forced to contemplate a “day after” scenario, creating space for new political imaginations. As protests and public anger intensify, this collective rage could fuel a transformative new future.
Etan Nechin is a writer based in New York and a contributor to Haaretz
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