In April, an overnight ferry from the Senegalese capital, Dakar, arrived in Ziguinchor, capital of the southern region of Casamance, the first such voyage in more than 10 months.
The reopening of the route came a few days after the former mayor of Ziguinchor, Ousmane Sonko, became prime minister, and together the developments marked a symbolic moment for what many hope will be a new era of national integration.
For centuries, the region’s location has fostered its isolation. Casamance is linked to the rest of southern Senegal by its eastern border, but its entire northern border runs alongs the Gambia, the roughly rectangular, English-speaking country that bisects Senegal.
Since 1982 it has been the site of one of Africa’s longest-running conflicts, launched by the separatist Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance, which grew out frustrations in the region over marginalisation and exploitation by the central government. The war continues at a low intensity today.
Noah Cissé, a Ziguinchor-based historian and teacher, said: “Sonko has shown [the people of Casamance] that they are Senegalese in their own right. They can claim power like any Senegalese.”
Cissé said he was hopeful that regional leaders could now persuade the government to invest in Casamance. “The [area] has been very strongly impacted by the conflict … war is incompatible with investment,” he said.
Rice and maize are cultivated in Casamance, where lush mangroves are watered by the river from which it gets its name – a contrast with the vegetation typical of the Sahel in the country’s north. The white beaches of Cap Skirring, sometimes described as the jewel of Casamance, lead out to the ocean and attract thousands of tourists each year.
Despite all of this, poverty levels in its three sub-regions are higher than the national average. This is because its pace of growth has historically been slower, said Cissé.
“If you look at the roads and railways, practically everything [French colonialists built in Senegal] was in the centre-west,” he said. “So there was a sort of marginalisation of the outlying regions.”
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Sonko originally ran for president in this year’s election, but was in effect disqualified by a conviction for libel – one of a number of cases brought against him in recent years that he described as politically motivated. His friend, Bassirou Diomaye Faye, ran in his place and appointed him as PM after his victory in March.
In June last year, another conviction – for corrupting young people – led to protests focused in Dakar and Ziguinchor that resulted in dozens of people being killed by the security forces and hundreds of arrests.
Amadou Tom Mbodji, an activist detained for months and released on the eve of the vote, said: “Our democracy was in danger.” He is now working to free 300 youths he says are still in jail.
The last government cited the unrest as a reason for halting ferry operations. Because the larger of Casamance’s two airports has been closed for repair work, the only way for most people to travel between Dakar and Ziguinchor was an arduous nine-hour journey through the Gambia by road.
Now the ferry reopening and Sonko’s seat at the top has reawakened hopes of long-anticipated development and inclusion.
Still, thousands of people remain displaced and unexploded devices are still being discovered in the area. According to the demining nonprofit group, Humanity & Inclusion (HI), 33 explosive devices have been discovered and destroyed and 157,000 sq metres of land cleared in five villages in the region since 2022.
Deploying demining teams along the borders with Guinea-Bissau to the south and the Gambia to the north, where the conflict simmers, is still an issue. HI’s activities in Casamance were suspended in 2013 and again in 2019 after civilians in its teams were kidnapped. But it continues to work even as funding and other challenges stymy its pace.
Seydou Gaye, HI’s Dakar-based specialist in armed violence reduction, said: “[We] hope … to help Senegal achieve its goal of becoming a mine-free country by March 2026.”
The new administration could help achieve that goal if it prioritises Casamance. Sonko, who saw the conflict first-hand while growing up, is now expected to juggle a delicate balancing act: strengthening peace in his back yard while pleasing the rest of the country.
Henry Ndecky, a mediator in the conflict, said: “Ousmane Sonko as a son of Casamance and prime minister really has a hot potato in his hands … [If] the new team consolidates these commitments [with the rebel factions], it allows others to have confidence and go to negotiations and perhaps one day lay down their arms too.”
On the campaign trail, Faye promised to usher in a new era of prosperity in the region. Local activists say they can pressure the president and his prime minister until they make good on their promises.
Madia Diop Sané, an activist and leader of the Citizen Visions Movement, said: “We are in the fight for good governance, the promotion of quality education, developing peace in Casamance and employment of young people.”
“We were born in war, we grew up in war, and we tell each other all the time that one cannot die and must not die in war.”
• This article was amended on 28 August 2024. An earlier version said that Casamance’s population is predominantly Christian; however, this is only true for part of Casamance. The reference has been removed.
