From today's Second Circuit decision in Palin v. N.Y. Times Co., written by Judge John Walker and joined by Judges Reena Raggi and Richard Sullivan:
Plaintiff Sarah Palin appeals the dismissal of her defamation complaint against defendant The New York Times ("the Times") and its former Opinion Editor, defendant James Bennet, for the second time.
We first reinstated the case in August 2019 following an initial dismissal by the district court (Rakoff, J.) under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(6). Palin's claim was subsequently tried before a jury but, while the jury was deliberating, the district court dismissed the case again—this time under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 50. We conclude that the district court's Rule 50 ruling improperly intruded on the province of the jury by making credibility determinations, weighing evidence, and ignoring facts or inferences that a reasonable juror could plausibly have found to support Palin's case.
Despite the district court's Rule 50 dismissal, the jury was allowed to reach a verdict, and it found the Times and Bennet "not liable." Unfortunately, several major issues at trial—specifically, the erroneous exclusion of evidence, an inaccurate jury instruction, a legally erroneous response to a mid-deliberation jury question, and jurors learning during deliberations of the district court's Rule 50 dismissal ruling—impugn the reliability of that verdict.
The jury is sacrosanct in our legal system, and we have a duty to protect its constitutional role, both by ensuring that the jury's role is not usurped by judges and by making certain that juries are provided with relevant proffered evidence and properly instructed on the law. We therefore VACATE and REMAND for proceedings, including a new trial, consistent with this opinion….
The opinion is long (but readable), and interested readers should review the whole thing. But here a few excerpts; first, the factual background:
On June 14, 2017, the Times' Editorial Board published the editorial challenged in this case, entitled "America's Lethal Politics" …, which compared two political shootings. In the first attack, on January 8, 2011, Jared Loughner killed six people and injured thirteen others, including Democratic Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords, during a constituent event held by Giffords in Arizona ("the Loughner shooting"). In the second, which took place in 2017 in Virginia on the day the editorial was published, James Hodgkinson seriously injured four people, including Republican Congressman Stephen Scalise, at a practice for a congressional baseball game ….
In comparing these two tragedies, the editorial made statements about the Loughner shooting that are the subject of this defamation action. It stated that there was a "clear" and "direct" "link" between the Loughner shooting and the "political incitement" that arose from a digital graphic published in March 2010 by former Alaska governor and vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin's political action committee ("the challenged statements")…..
{In full, the paragraphs of the editorial containing the challenged statements read [emphasis added]:
"Was [the Hodgkinson shooting] evidence of how vicious American politics has become? Probably. In 2011, when Jared Lee Loughner opened fire in a supermarket parking lot, grievously wounding Representative Gabby Giffords and killing six people, including a 9-year-old girl, the link to political incitement was clear. Before the shooting, Sarah Palin's political action committee circulated a map of targeted electoral districts that put Ms. Giffords and 19 other Democrats under stylized cross hairs.
Conservatives and right-wing media were quick on Wednesday to demand forceful condemnation of hate speech and crimes by anti-Trump liberals. They're right. Though there's no sign of incitement as direct as in the Giffords attack, liberals should of course hold themselves to the same standard of decency that they ask of the right."}
The graphic was a map that superimposed crosshairs over twenty congressional districts represented by Democrats—including Giffords' district. In fact, a relationship between the crosshairs map and the Loughner shooting was never established; rather, at the time of the editorial, the attack was widely viewed as a tragic result of Loughner's serious mental illness….
The idea of publishing an editorial about the Hodgkinson shooting was first raised by Elizabeth Williamson, a writer for the Times, on the morning of June 14, 2017 in an email to James Bennet and other members of the Times' Editorial Board. A follow-up email from Williamson indicated that Hodgkinson might have had "POSSIBLE … pro-Bernie, anti-Trump" views. Editorial Board members weighed in on Williamson's idea. Bennet asked "whether there's a point to be made about the rhetoric of demonization and whether it incites people to this kind of violence," adding that "if there's evidence of the kind of inciting hate speech on the left that we, or I at least, have tended to associate with the right (e.g., in the run-up to the Gabby Giffords shooting) we should deal with that."
Williamson conducted research for the editorial with the aid of the Board's editorial assistant, Phoebe Lett. Prompted by Bennet's suggestions, she asked Lett whether there was a prior Times editorial "that references hate type speech against [Democrats] in the runup to [the Loughner] shooting," since "James [had] referenced that." Lett forwarded the email to Bennet, who clarified that he was asking if the Times had "ever writ[ten] anything connecting … the [Loughner] shooting to some kind of incitement." He asked Lett to "send [him] the pieces [she] sent [Williamson]," and he forwarded to Williamson other pieces that he received from Lett. Specifically, Lett sent Bennet the following three Times articles, the first of which was sent to Williamson by Lett at Bennet's suggestion and the latter two of which Bennet forwarded to Williamson himself:
"No One Listened to Gabrielle Giffords" by Frank Rich (Jan. 15, 2011), which stated that "[w]e have no idea" whether Loughner saw the crosshairs map and referred to Loughner as being "likely insane, with no coherent ideological agenda," while also noting that that "does not mean that a climate of antigovernment hysteria ha[d] no effect on [Loughner]."
"Bloodshed and Invective in Arizona" by the Times' Editorial Board (Jan. 9, 2011), which noted that Loughner "appears to be mentally ill," indicated that Loughner does not fall into "usual ideological categories," and stated that "[i]t is facile and mistaken to attribute [the Loughner shooting] directly to Republicans or Tea Party members."
"As We Mourn" by the Times' Editorial Board (Jan. 12, 2011), which quoted then-President Barack Obama's statement that "a simple lack of civility … did not" cause the Loughner shooting and mentioned that Palin accused journalists of "committ[ing] a 'blood libel'when they raised questions about overheated rhetoric" in connection with the Loughner shooting.
Williamson drafted the editorial and uploaded it to "Backfield," part of the Times' content management system, in the late afternoon of June 14. Williamson's draft ("the initial draft") did not contain the challenged statements. It stated only that Loughner's "rage was nurtured in a vile political climate" and that the "pro-gun right [was] criticized" at the time of the Loughner shooting. It also noted that, before the shooting, Palin's political action committee had "circulated a map of targeted electoral districts that put Ms. Giffords and 19 other Democrats under stylized crosshairs." {The initial draft and the published editorial both incorrectly implied that the crosshairs symbols were placed on photos of Giffords and other Democratic representatives, rather than on their congressional districts.} The word "circulated" in the initial draft was hyperlinked to a January 9, 2011 ABC News article entitled "Sarah Palin's 'Crosshairs' Ad Dominates Gabrielle Giffords Debate" ("the ABC Article"), which stated that "[n]o connection ha[d] been made between [the crosshairs map] and the [Loughner] shooting."
Linda Cohn, an Editorial Board member, was the first person to edit the initial draft. After making her edits, Cohn asked Bennet to look at the piece, and Bennet added his own revisions to the draft. Bennet's changes were substantial: Williamson testified that Bennet "rewrote [her] editorial" and, after receiving a complimentary email from a colleague about the piece, Williamson responded that it "was mostly a [Bennet] production" and that Bennet had been "super keen to take it on." Bennet's edits added the challenged statements.
After saving his revisions in Backfield, Bennet emailed Williamson, noting that he "really reworked this one" and apologizing for "do[ing] such a heavy edit." Bennet also asked Williamson to "[p]lease take a look." Williamson responded seven minutes later that the revised piece "[l]ook[ed] great." Several other Times employees under Bennet also reviewed the revised draft prior to its publication and made minor edits, but none raised concerns regarding the challenged statements.. The editorial was published online on the Times' website at approximately 9:45 pm on June 14, 2017 and appeared in the Times' print edition the next morning….
After a swift public backlash, the Times revised the challenged statements and issued two corrections. The first correction was published on June 15, along with revisions to the challenged statements. The correction read: "An earlier version of this editorial incorrectly stated that a link existed between political incitement and the 2011 shooting of Representative Gabby Giffords. In fact, no such link was established." The second correction, released the next day, clarified that the map had overlaid crosshairs on Democratic congressional districts, not photos of the representatives themselves….
And an excerpt of the Second Circuit's legal analysis:
The central issue in this appeal is whether the evidence at trial was sufficient for Palin to prove that the defendants published the challenged statements with actual malice, as required for public-figure defamation plaintiffs….
The district court based its judgment for defendants solely on its conclusion that, as a matter of law, the trial evidence was insufficient to permit a jury to find that the defendants acted with actual malice. We disagree with that conclusion. After reviewing the record and making all reasonable inferences in Palin's favor as the nonmoving party, we conclude that there exists sufficient evidence, detailed below, for a reasonable jury to find actual malice by clear and convincing evidence.
Bennet's Testimony
During cross-examination by the defense, defendant Bennet, who was called as a witness by the plaintiff, stated what could be plausibly viewed as an admission: "I didn't think then and don't think now that the [crosshairs] map caused Jared Loughner to act." But the district court dismissed out of hand the possibility that Bennet's statement could be viewed as an admission supporting a finding of actual malice. The district court concluded that such an interpretation was "not a reasonable reading of Bennet's answer and … would be inconsistent with [his] testimony overall." Crediting Bennet's explanation that he did not intend to convey in the editorial that the crosshairs map directly caused Loughner to act, the district court interpreted Bennet's "admission" to be merely a statement that the question of whether the crosshairs map spurred Loughner's attack never entered his mind.
But in deciding a Rule 50 motion, a district court may not credit the movant's self-serving explanations or adopt possible exculpatory interpretations on his behalf when interpretations to the contrary exist. Furthermore, the district court was plainly incorrect to conclude that Bennet's testimony cannot "reasonabl[y]" be understood to "indicate[] that Bennet did not believe that what he was writing was true." Bennet's statement—that he "didn't think," when revising the editorial, that "the [crosshairs] map caused Jared Loughner to act"—can permissibly be read to suggest that Bennet entertained serious doubts as to his assertion that the map and shooting had a "clear" and "direct" "link." The jury may ultimately accept the district court's understanding of Bennet's words—but, as we previously cautioned, "it is the jury that must decide."
The ABC Article Hyperlink
The ABC Article hyperlinked in Williamson's initial draft—which remained in the article following Bennet's edits—unequivocally states that "[n]o connection has been made between [the crosshairs map] and the [Loughner] shooting." Had Bennet read this article, its contents would at a minimum allow a rational juror to plausibly infer that Bennet recklessly disregarded the truth when he published the challenged statements.
The district court erroneously ignored this potential inference, in part because it credited Bennet's denial that he had ever clicked the hyperlink and read the article. But a district court may not make credibility determinations when considering a Rule 50 motion and, "although the court should review the record as a whole, it must disregard all evidence favorable to the moving party that the jury is not required to believe." Here, the jury was not required to believe Bennet's testimony, which could be viewed as self-serving. The district court's acceptance of that testimony in the jury's stead improperly infringed on the jury's exclusive role.
The district court also erred in concluding that Palin "adduced no affirmative evidence" from which a jury could presume that Bennet read the ABC Article. Under our caselaw, inferential and circumstantial evidence can satisfy the "affirmative evidence" requirement …. Here, Williamson testified that, although editorial writers were "the first line of fact-checking" for the pieces they drafted, when "someone rewrote a draft" that someone else prepared, the person who did the rewrite had "primary responsibility for fact-checking the portion that they rewrote."
A jury could reasonably conclude that Bennet would therefore have been responsible for fact-checking the sentence containing the hyperlink to the ABC Article because, although his revisions to that sentence were minor, his revisions to the preceding sentence—where he added that "the link to political incitement was clear"—substantially changed the nature of the sentence that contained the hyperlink. A jury could also reasonably believe that such fact-checking obligations would include clicking on and reading through articles hyperlinked in the edited portions of an editorial draft to ensure the accuracy of any changes. And, thus, it could infer that it was more likely than not that Bennet read the ABC Article as part of his editing duties.
Prior Times Opinion Pieces
Bennet admitted at trial that, while conducting his editorial research, he "must have read" the three prior Times opinion pieces on the Loughner shooting that Lett sent to him and that he sent or had Lett send to Williamson (namely, "No One Listened to Gabrielle Giffords," "Bloodshed and Invective in Arizona," and "As We Mourn"). These articles were received into evidence, but the district court concluded that they "provide[d] no basis for finding that Bennet knew or suspected that his revision introduced false statements of fact into the [e]ditorial" because the articles do not "contradict the facts asserted in the [c]hallenged [s]tatements." We disagree. The articles can also be plausibly read as casting significant doubt on any link between the Loughner shooting and the crosshairs map. [Details omitted. -EV] …
Possible Prior Knowledge
The district court acknowledged that "Bennet theoretically could have had prior knowledge regarding the relationship—or lack thereof—between the crosshairs map and the [Loughner] shooting" outside of any research he conducted for the editorial. Its conclusion, however, that "the record belies this possibility," relied substantially on Bennet's self-serving testimony indicating that "he was not aware of the details of the Loughner case and that he did not recall the controversies surrounding the crosshairs map before the [e]ditorial was written." Such crediting of Bennet's testimony in resolving a Rule 50 motion was error.
Moreover, the district court's determination that "Palin offered no admissible evidence that would undermine Bennet's testimony" on this issue, ignored plausible inferences tending to support the conclusion that Bennet would have known when he revised the editorial that there was no link between the crosshairs map and the Loughner shooting…. The district court opinion similarly failed to consider evidence of Bennet's recall abilities…. [Details omitted. -EV]
Finally, as discussed [below] …, the district court also erred in excluding … additional circumstantial evidence of Bennet's potential prior knowledge. Namely, it improperly rejected: (1) the Excluded Articles, which Palin offered to show that Bennet "knew that the allegations of a link between Loughner and the [crosshairs] map had been discredited," and (2) evidence regarding Bennet's relationship with his brother, a Democratic U.S. Senator ("Senator Bennet"), which Palin argued "could establish bias" and "would have made … Bennet more likely to have been aware of the [crosshairs] map" and any controversy surrounding it. [Factual details on this omitted.—EV]
"Incompatible" Evidence
In addition to improperly discounting Palin's evidence, the district court also impermissibly viewed Bennet's evidence in the light most favorable to him. For example, it deemed "incompatible" with the conclusion that Bennet acted with actual malice (1) Bennet's compliance with the Times' standard editing process, (2) his attempted apology to Palin, and (3) his post-publication exchanges with Ross Douthat and other colleagues. In so doing, the district court failed to draw all reasonable inferences in Palin's favor and avoid drawing inferences in the defendants' favor….
The Second Circuit also concluded that Palin didn't have to prove "defamatory malice," "i.e., that Bennet intended or recklessly disregarded that ordinary readers would understand his words to have the defamatory meaning alleged by Palin." (This is different from the normal "actual malice" requirement, which merely requires proof that the defendant recklessly disregarded the possibility that the statements were false, or knew that they were false.)
Finally, the Second Circuit concluded that the jury verdict had to be reversed because of "the jurors' exposure during deliberations to push notifications announcing that the district court found for the defendants in deciding the Rule 50 motion":
[The district court erred in concluding] that the jury's verdict was not prejudiced because the jurors assured his law clerk that the push notifications "had not … played any role whatever in their deliberations."
It is well-settled that "an analysis of prejudice cannot be based on the subjective reports of the actual jurors." And, after applying the required objective test, we have no difficulty concluding that an average jury's verdict would be affected if several jurors knew that the judge had already ruled for one of the parties on the very claims the jurors were charged with deciding….
Shane B. Vogt and Kenneth G. Turkel (Turkel Cuva Barrios, P.A.) and Michael Munoz and S. Preston Ricardo (Golenbock Eiseman Assor Bell & Peskoe LLP) represent Palin.
The post Sarah Palin Gets New Trial in Libel Lawsuit Against <i>N.Y. Times</i> appeared first on Reason.com.
