As Thais celebrate Songkran this week, many of our neighbours in Myanmar are facing agony as their junta government ramps up airstrikes on armed rebel bases along the border.
Dubbed the worst attack since the February 2021 coup, an airstrike in the Sagaing region on Tuesday killed up to 100 civilians, including children.
The latest Tatmadaw atrocity committed against its own people has drawn condemnation from the United Nations and the typically reticent Asean -- of which Myanmar is one of the ten member countries.
The regional bloc, which has taken flak for refusing to stand up to Myanmar's military government, said it "strongly condemns" Nay Pyi Taw for the attack and demanded that all forms of violence cease immediately, particularly the use of force against civilians.
The situation will undoubtedly cause a refugee crisis in the region. Only last week, almost 10,000 ethnic Karen fled across the border to take shelter in various towns in Thailand's Mae Ramat district, as well as in Mae Sot district of Tak province.
The Thai government must be steadfast in providing humanitarian assistance and adhering to the non-refoulement policy enshrined in the Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance Act, which took effect on Feb 22. Under this legislation, officials must not push people who harbour a legitimate fear of being tortured back to their home country.
Officials in Tak deserve praise for showing their commitment to upholding this legislation.
Last week, its deputy governor Surapol Wongsukphisarn said local authorities would commit to "voluntary repatriation." It then set about helping the refugees and assisted in sending back only those who wished to return.
While Tak set a good example, the Thai military -- which is known to have a good rapport with the Tatmadaw -- has moved in a worrying direction.
On Jan 20, Gen Chalermpol Srisawat, chief of the Thai defence forces, and Myanmar's military leader Snr Gen Min Aung Hlaing reportedly signed a series of pacts. One concerns the Thai army's commitment to repatriating refugees who flee the fighting.
All of which begs several questions. First, what criteria does the Thai army use to decide who gets sent back? Second, is this deal in conflict with any local laws or Thailand's commitment to the non-refoulement policy? Third, how many "refugees" have the army sent back into the hands of the Tatmadaw?
This week, the Asean Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) officially condemned the Thai military for handing three Myanmar opposition members to the junta on April 4. The APHR claimed two were killed shortly afterwards. The fate of the third remains unclear. This is not the first time the Thai military has been accused of handing anti-government members over to the Tatmadaw -- accusations the army vehemently denies. These are serious accusations that position the Thai military as a willing accomplice to the atrocities meted out by the Tatmadaw.
Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, who also serves as defence minister, must clarify Thailand's non-refoulement policy in relation to Myanmar refugees.
The government must ensure any "voluntary repatriation" is conducted transparently and in collaboration with civil society to ensure no refugees -- or opposition members -- are sent back against their will.
The Thai military must ensure its close friendship with its counterparts in Myanmar does not override either the nation's laws or its own moral principles.
