If opinion polls are to be believed, the outcome of the forthcoming Stormont Assembly election will have two prevailing storylines.
The first, which will likely take prominence in media headlines, is whether the DUP or Sinn Féin will come out on top as the largest party.
The second is how well other smaller parties that do not define themselves as unionist or nationalist will perform.
Read more: Full coverage of the 2022 Northern Ireland Assembly election
While this secondary narrative may not grab as many front pages, depending on the result it could have far-reaching impacts on the future of power-sharing.
The biggest of these parties that designate in the Assembly as 'other' is the Alliance Party.
With an electorate frustrated over Stormont stalemate after the RHI controversy, Alliance broke through the 10% barrier of first-preference votes in 2019 in council and European elections.
And a snap Westminster election later that year saw the party's vote increase by almost nine points to 16.8%, with deputy leader Stephen Farry gaining the MP seat in North Down.
Some questioned whether this "Alliance surge" would hold up once devolved government was restored in 2020, but successive opinion polls suggest it has.
They indicate Alliance could rise from being the fifth-largest party in 2017 with 9.1% of first-preference votes and eight seats to the third-largest on more than 15% and seat numbers in double digits.
Lagan Valley, North Belfast, South Down and Upper Bann are among the key constituencies where the party is eyeing up securing new MLAs.
The party also has several secondary targets which on a particularly strong day could bring gains, such as West Tyrone, North Antrim and a second MLA in East Antrim.
It is a remarkably comfortable position to be in, considering that polls suggest other parties such as the DUP and Sinn Féin are in a battle to retain the seats they currently have.
Some have questioned whether Alliance's performance could be hampered by a revived Ulster Unionist Party under the leadership of Doug Beattie, whose socially liberal values could appeal to Alliance voters.
Naomi Long told Belfast Live it was a "flawed analysis" to think voters would choose UUP if they were not voting Alliance, adding that "our values and our vision are distinct".
The Alliance leader said Mr Beattie's attempts last year to poach Sir Jeffrey Donaldson from the DUP exposed that there is "not that much difference" between the two unionist parties.
She also questioned the "progressive" credentials of the UUP, citing how the party had recently opposed an Alliance bid to fly the transgender flag at Armagh City, Banbridge and Craigavon Borough Council.
Mrs Long said the "idea of being progressive isn't just something that the leader can talk about and then the rest of the party continues as usual".
Alliance wants to carve out its own political space, framing itself as being focused on delivery while painting political opponents as dysfunctional.
In her recent party conference speech, Mrs Long accused Stormont rivals of being "addicted to crisis and conflict".
But in growing the Alliance vote, the party must also tread a line between appealing to unionist and nationalist voters while also avoiding being seen as an electoral threat to either the Union or potential Irish unity.
In pre-conference interviews, Mrs Long said Alliance would "undoubtedly" take a position on the constitutional question at some point in the future.
Stormont's devolved institutions were designed to facilitate power-sharing between unionists and nationalists.
But if support for Alliance and other unaligned parties such as the Greens continues to rise, Stormont will increasingly be defined by three main blocs rather than two.
Mechanisms such as the Petition of Concern cross-community veto currently operate in a way that negates the votes of MLAs who designate as 'other'.
Alliance councillor Nuala McAllister has also warned it would be it would be "undemocratic" if her party was denied posts such as Deputy First Minister because they do not designate as unionist or nationalist.
If the 'other' vote reaches new heights in May, Stormont's power-sharing structures will come under increasing pressure to be redrawn to reflect a new balance of power.
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