Hameed Chendamangalloor, social critic, political analyst, and writer known for his strong opposition to religious fundamentalism, shares his insights on the current political landscape in Kerala. Here are excerpts from an interview:
Q: What are the key factors shaping the contemporary political landscape in Kerala, especially when religion and religious bodies are sprouting into Kerala society?
For a considerable period, religious bodies and casteist organisations have been wielding significant influence in Kerala politics. Surprisingly, even the Left parties, known for their progressive stance, have succumbed to the pressures of religious landlords. This trend became particularly notorious during the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) government’s tenure. Unfortunately, the submission of secular political parties to religious landlordism continues to grow stronger each day. Instead of approaching issues from a secular standpoint, Kerala’s political parties are increasingly adopting a religio-communal perspective. A prime example of this shift is the sabotage of the proposal for gender-neutral uniforms and the hindrance of the Kudumbashree campaign for gender equality by the present Left Democratic Front (LDF) government.
At the national level, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government at the Centre in power since 2014, is pursuing an agenda reminiscent of ethnic democracies like Israel, Turkey, and Iran. This approach marginalises individuals who belong to religions other than the majority, relegating them to a second-class citizenship. One of the consequences of this situation is substantial curtailment of media freedom. Meanwhile, at the State-level, a different tone emerges with the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led government attempting to clamp down on the media, thus undermining democratic values.
One pressing issue that requires serious attention in the State is the escalating communal polarisation among various communities. This issue has persisted for the past 10-15 years, but the divide between the Muslim and the Christian communities has significantly widened following the decision by the Islamist Turkish government, led by Tayyip Erdogan, to convert the Hagia Sophia, originally a cathedral, back into a mosque. It raises questions about how the Muslim community, which previously condemned the demolition of the Babri Masjid, can justify this action. Subsequently, allegations surrounding “love jihad,” “narcotic jihad,” and “land jihad” emerged, further exacerbating the situation. Both the UDF and LDF bear responsibility for engaging in minority appeasement tactics to target the BJP. Now, it is imperative for both political fronts, if they genuinely care about society, to actively promote secular values and adopt progressive approaches.
Q: What role does identity politics play in contemporary societies in Kerala?
Political parties have resorted to promoting identity politics in order to secure electoral advantages. However, unlike in other regions of the country, the people of Kerala, regardless of their religious backgrounds - Hindus, Muslims, and Christians - share a common language. The issue arises when individuals start identifying primarily with their religious faith. Unless all communities come together and embrace a unified identity as Malayalis, the problem will continue to worsen in the future.
Secular intellectuals, social critics, and writers are gradually losing their credibility. It has become evident that many of them are selective in their criticism. For instance, in Kerala, they readily criticise the BJP-led Central government for violating citizens’ rights and suppressing freedom of expression. However, they conveniently remain silent when similar issues arise within the State. The Left has appropriated libertarian ideals solely for their own political advantage, and people are now starting to realise this fact.
