Kemi Badenoch has become the first Black leader of a UK-wide political party. But her ascent is unlikely to translate into meaningful gains for Black Britons.
Badenoch’s record suggests she is uninterested in tackling the systemic barriers that hold back so many Black people in Britain. Instead, she actively champions the very structures that maintain racial inequality in the name of Britain’s supposed meritocracy.
Badenoch’s rise is partly explained by her positions on cultural issues, which appeal to the right of her party and may resonate with some socially conservative segments of the ethnic minority voter base.
It would be wrong to assume that Badenoch must represent Black voters because she herself is Black. Badenoch herself has said she hates identity politics, and has criticised Labour politicians for what she sees as a view of Black people “as a homogeneous, monolithic bloc.”
Any criticism on this front should focus on the substantive implications of her policies and rhetoric. But these, as I have previously argued, are antithetical to advancing the rights and interests of Black Britons, regardless of their political views.
Badenoch’s brand of Conservatism avoids confronting racial inequality, instead promoting an “anti-woke” ideology. She has celebrated Britain’s supposed racial tolerance while minimising its historical and structural inequalities.
As minister for equalities, she staunchly defended the Sewell report – the controversial government-commissioned review that concluded Britain did not have a problem with institutional racism.
The report concluded that while there are disparities in outcomes between different ethnic groups, there is no evidence of systemic or institutional racism in the UK. This assertion was widely criticised by scholars, activists and organisations. UN human rights experts said the report tried to “normalise white supremacy”.
Critics argued that the report ignored or minimised well-documented instances of racial inequality and discrimination in education, healthcare, employment and criminal justice. And they pointed out that the report selectively used data to support its conclusions, while downplaying or overlooking evidence that highlighted systemic racial disparities.
Badenoch has also dismissed slavery reparations as a “scam”, and argued that the British Empire should be remembered for ending slavery rather than for its role in the transatlantic slave trade. And she has resisted calls to teach more Black history in schools.
After Conservative donor Frank Hester’s comments about Diane Abbott came to light, Badenoch did condemn the comments as racist, going against Downing Street’s initial line. But she then argued that the country needed to “move away” from the issue, downplaying the need to address racism within her party.
Reality for Black Britons
Badenoch’s stance on race relations sits awkwardly with the modern experience of many Black Britons. She has claimed that Britain is the best place to be a Black person – yet systemic racism remains pervasive in the labour market, education and policing.
The ONS found that between 2012 and 2022, Black African, Caribbean or Black British employees were the only ethnicity group to be consistently earning less than white employees. In schools, Black Caribbean pupils are disproportionately excluded, often for minor infractions.
There are stark racial disparities in policing. Black people are seven times more likely than white people to be stopped and searched, and more likely to experience the use of force. Black children are also disproportionately more likely to be strip-searched.
These persistent disparities across multiple sectors cannot be dismissed as coincidental. They can be linked to institutional practices, historical biases and discriminatory policies that collectively reinforce and perpetuate racial inequality.
According to the Black British Voices Project, 87% of Black Britons distrust the criminal justice system, and 90% of young Black people expect to face racial prejudice as adults. Fewer than 2% believe educational institutions take racism seriously. These figures underline how far Britain still has to go in addressing racial inequality.
The Conservative paradox
Badenoch is a reminder of an interesting paradox for the Conservatives. The party has become more ethnically diverse over the last 14 years. But it has also taken regressive positions on issues of race and racism.
These positions have themselves been championed by ethnic minority politicians, leading some to argue that they are being used as “reputation shields”. This means they enable the party to pursue regressive policies on issues related to race or immigration, while using the fact of increased representation to deflect allegations of intolerance.
Some of the policies advocated for by the last few Conservative governments, particularly those related to immigration, border control and policing, are examples. These were all advanced by successive ethnic minority home secretaries.
As I have explored in my own research, ethnic minority representation does not necessarily translate to racial justice in policy.
Badenoch’s divisive brand, coupled with the Conservative party’s broader struggles, is already materialising in the polls. Her initial approval ratings are already lower than those of her predecessors Rishi Sunak and Boris Johnson. The latest Opinium poll for the Observer shows a net approval rating of -5%.
Recovering from political setbacks usually requires an entire electoral cycle. With Donald Trump’s return in the US and Reform UK threatening its base, the Conservatives may feel pressure to lurch further to the right – and may even deepen racial divisions in the process.
Michael Bankole does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.
