The madness of King George III was never diagnosed. He likely suffered from bipolarity. One of his uncontrollable bouts of madness was triggered by his reading of Shakespeare’s play of a mad king, King Lear. “This morning he is … more agitated and confused, perhaps from having been permitted to read King Lear,” wrote his doctor, in papers released only six years ago. The story upset King George, his equerry recounted: “His Majesty became so ungovernable that recourse was had to the strait waistcoat.”
King George’s straitjacketing occurred in 1788, a year after the constitutional convention created the United States government to prevent the rise of any king – mad or not. The American revolution, waged against the absolute sovereignty of a monarch, had the madness of King George in mind as the office of president of the United States was being framed. The president, wrote Alexander Hamilton in Federalist Paper No 69, would be subject to impeachment and removal, and “liable to prosecution and punishment in the ordinary course of law. The person of the king of Great Britain is sacred and inviolable; there is no constitutional tribunal to which he is amenable; no punishment to which he can be subjected without involving the crisis of a national revolution.”
About the difference between the American president and the English king, Hamilton stated: “What answer shall we give to those who would persuade us that things so unlike resemble each other? The same that ought to be given to those who tell us that a government, the whole power of which would be in the hands of the elective and periodical servants of the people, is an aristocracy, a monarchy, and a despotism.”
When the US supreme court ruled on 1 July that Donald Trump as a former president had “absolute” immunity from prosecution for crimes committed as “official acts”, Justice Sonia Sotomayor dissented that “the President is now a king above the law.” As Shakespeare wrote in King John: “Mad world, mad kings, mad composition!”
King George swooned reading King Lear. Trump has become delirious at the sight of Kamala Harris. The king’s courtiers succeeded in restraining him, while Trump’s cannot control him. He rages, curses and shouts to the heavens of the unfairness of fate. His aides attempt to calm and steady him about Joe Biden’s withdrawal from the race. “It’s unfair that I beat him and now I have to beat her, too,” he cries.
Trump’s years-long industrial-level production of “Crooked Joe” and the “Biden Crime Family”, amplified as regular programming on Fox News, is now toxic waste. These crude projections were fabricated out of the materials of Trump’s own vices, flaws and offenses. If Biden could be tarred with false charges, his shadow would blot out Trump’s true crimes. Trump’s initial effort against Biden – to blackmail Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskiy in an exchange of weapons for dirt on Biden – constituted the articles of Trump’s first impeachment.
The House Republicans, led by the January 6 co-conspirator Jim Jordan, set up a “weaponization committee” that, along with the oversight committee, spent millions of dollars and consumed thousands of staff hours to discover, after parading one false witness after another, that Biden had done absolutely nothing wrong. Their impeachment farce of Biden collapsed from its own weightlessness. Despite their contrivances, they found Biden blameless. The entire Hunter Biden saga, which has breathlessly riveted the Wall Street Journal editorial board, meanwhile drifts into a trivial pursuit.
Always just a series of distorted projections, the campaign against Biden is missing its object. The screen has suddenly gone blank. Trump is exposed standing naked on the stage. His negative campaign is self-indicting. Everything he accused Biden of being, he manifestly embodies. His malicious characterizations describe only himself. He is the crook, the cheat, the liar; he is the worst president in history. Biden is gone, but Trump can’t escape him. Biden haunts him as a ghost. Trump is left as the oldest man ever to run for the office, whose babbling incapacity is on display.
Trump frantically attempts to find the key to a negative campaign against Harris. He stumblingly flickers his projection of Biden. She’s the crook, the cheat, the liar. She’s not really Black, or she is Black but only lately. He mispronounces her name in a variety of deliberately mangled ways to make her seem strange, but in doing so he appears stranger. She’s “dumb”, “incompetent” and a “bitch”. He states that Biden is plotting to stage a coup at the Democratic convention to overthrow her. His dream for restoration requires his animadversion of Biden’s ghost. He can’t stop talking about the man who isn’t there. He complains to Elon Musk, playing the role of his straight-man second banana, that Biden is “close to a vegetable”. But insults can’t make Biden come back to political life. Trump’s bitter nostalgia for Biden stokes his anger at Harris.
Since Trump can’t change, Harris must be an illusion. He says the packed crowds at her rallies are “fake”, created by AI. “She should be disqualified because the creation of a fake image is ELECTION INTERFERENCE. Anyone who does that will cheat at ANYTHING!” Of course, his 34 felonies for business fraud were for the purpose of election interference in 2016. His instinctive reflex for projection boomerangs. He constantly reveals his pattern of guilt through his accusations.
Lost in the illogic of his conspiracy theories he wanders back and forth from higher realms of incoherence to lower depths of innuendo. His tale of his near-death experience in a diving helicopter with Willie Brown encapsulates more than his careening method of demeaning insinuation. It is his unconscious metaphor of his current plight crashing to earth.
Willie Brown, the former speaker of the California assembly, once dated the young Harris. Trump explained: “But he told me terrible things about her. But this is what you’re telling me, anyway, I guess. But he had a big part in what happened with Kamala. But he – he, I don’t know, maybe he’s changed his tune. But he – he was not a fan of hers very much, at that point.”
But Willie Brown is not a fictitious character. “I don’t think I’d want to ride on the same helicopter with him,” he said. Willie Brown never flew in a ’copter with Trump. Willie Brown admires Harris – “absolutely beautiful woman, smart as all hell, very successful” – and he supports her “religiously”. Willie Brown, clever, funny and canny as ever, says he can’t wait to watch Harris whip Trump in the debate. “I would think it would probably be unfair for her to debate inept Donald Trump with his appalling lack of knowledge. The absence of knowledge is appalling. I would put every nickel I have on the results of the debate and it will all be on Kamala Harris.”
Trump appeared to confuse Willie Brown with the former California governor Jerry Brown, who did fly once in a ’copter with Trump – though it was never in difficulty. Then another Black politician – not Willie Brown – stepped forward to state that he was in a ’copter in trouble with Trump, Nate Holden, the former Los Angeles city council member and California state senator. “I guess we all look alike,” he told the Guardian.
Trump’s near-death by helicopter is the latest flight of his freakish fantasies – this week’s favorite instead of electrocution from the battery of an electric boat or being eaten by sharks. Whatever convoluted smear Trump was attempting to spread about Harris, it wound up sliced in the propellers. It was Black Hawk Down for Trump’s slander.
Though his lie was shredded, he feverishly tried to reassemble its pieces. He insisted to Maggie Haberman of the New York Times that he has the records to prove that it was really Willie Brown in the ’copter. “When asked to produce the flight records, Mr. Trump responded mockingly, repeating the request in a sing-song voice,” she reported.
Trump responded with a slur: “Maggot Hagermann should apologize for her Fake & Fraudulent writing on the Russia, Russia, Russia HOAX, along with many other of her poorly written and badly researched stories.”
Trump had previously spoken of Haberman as his “psychiatrist”. His anger reveals his deep desire for approbation from the Times, a sign of his acceptance in Manhattan, which rejected him decades ago. His resentment erupts from his unfulfilled yearning. In lashing out at Haberman, she serves as an available surrogate woman for his frustration over Harris.
Trump’s projection has become blowback. He can’t run a negative campaign to belittle Harris because his negative campaign engulfs and defines himself. He rages at being neutered and neutralized. His trials have also had their effect. Highlighting his abuses in courts of law as a sexual predator with E Jean Carroll and his history with Stormy Daniels has tainted his ability to sell his misogyny. His frustration, however, stokes more verbal abuse.
Trump has descended to attacking Tim Walz, the avuncular Minnesota governor who is Harris’s running mate, for wanting “tampons to be put in boys’ bathrooms”. Apparently, Trump thinks tampon by association is an astute tactic. Scrounging around in the school toilets, he can only remind women of his lifetime of physical and verbal abuse, and that he claims credit for outlawing abortion rights. Trump is lost in the stalls. Grab ’em by the tampon.
Trump targets Republican women who appear within his range of vision, too. He has gone to war against Marty Kemp, the wife of Brian Kemp, the Republican governor of Georgia, who had refused to support Trump’s lie that the 2020 election was stolen. Trump laced into Marty Kemp: “Now she says she won’t Endorse me, and is going to ‘write in Brian Kemp’s name.’ Well, I don’t want her Endorsement, and I don’t want his.” He slammed Governor Kemp: “He’s a bad guy. He’s a disloyal guy and he’s a very average governor.” “Leave my family out of it,” replied Kemp. After Trump’s rain of insults, a poll showed Harris tied with Trump in Georgia.
At a tentful of Republican billionaire donors in the Hamptons on 2 August, Trump resisted their gentle admonitions to tamp himself down. Many of them want a more muffled, dignified candidate talking about the federal deficit, curbing entitlements and the capital gains tax rate. These are the masters of the universe of carried interest. Their strategy would be for Trump not to be Trump. Let Trump be Paul Ryan. They want him to stick to the standard Republican playbook he discarded when he first starting remaking the party in his own image. The disoriented donors still can’t grasp that Trump’s depravity is the source of his appeal.
“’Tis the times’ plague, when madmen lead the blind,” wrote Shakespeare in King Lear.
Sidney Blumenthal is a Guardian US columnist
