The Alliance Party's televised political broadcasts are usually very slickly produced, and their latest is no different.
Striking graphics offering core messages bounce over sweeping, picturesque views of Northern Ireland.
Alliance leader Naomi Long provides a confident voiceover but is otherwise rather deliberately not the focus of attention.
Read more: Alliance leader Naomi Long says secret talks between DUP and UUP 'like Eastenders in Stormont'
Instead, the spotlight is given to candidates in key constituencies where the party is aiming to make gains in May's Assembly election.
Alliance in past years used a very effective "Demand Better" slogan to rally support, but this time it has been swapped out for "Together We Can".
Although not entirely original, it is a strapline enthusing positivity ahead of their party conference this weekend. And with the Stormont election nine weeks away, Alliance has a lot to feel positive about.
The council and European elections in 2019 saw Alliance break through the 10% barrier of first preferences as voters vented their frustration with the bigger parties amid Stormont's three-year hiatus.
Some questioned whether the "Alliance surge" as it became known would hold up once power-sharing resumed, but successive opinion polls suggest it has.
They indicate Alliance could rise from being the fifth-largest party in 2017 with 9.1% of first-preference votes and eight seats to the third-largest on more than 15% and seat numbers in double digits.
Lagan Valley, North Belfast, South Down and Upper Bann are among the constituencies where the party is eyeing up securing new MLAs.
While political analysts believe the battle for the First Minister post between the DUP and Sinn Féin is a matter of which will lose the most seats, Alliance appears to be on an upward trajectory.
The question some have been asking is whether the performance could be hampered by a resurgent Ulster Unionist Party under the leadership of Doug Beattie.
Since becoming UUP leader last May, Mr Beattie appears to have at least arrested the years of party decline. He is a good media performer whose personal socially liberal values could appeal to Alliance voters.
The controversy over his past derogatory tweets had the potential to derail the UUP's prospects of broadening its support.
However it does not appear to have cut through to voters, many of whom do not use Twitter and will have only seen his remarks referred to in opaque terms on news bulletins.
In a pre-conference interview with Belfast Live, Mrs Long said it was a "flawed analysis" to think that people would be voting UUP if they were not voting Alliance.
Nonetheless, Alliance will be keen to expose perceived weaknesses with the Ulster Unionists as the election draws nearer.
One issue could be Mr Beattie's attempts last year to poach Lagan Valley MP Sir Jeffrey Donaldson from the DUP after he lost a leadership contest to Edwin Poots.
While much of the focus so far has been on what this secret meeting means for Sir Jeffrey's leadership, it could also be detrimental for Mr Beattie.
Mrs Long said: "It does though I think expose that there's not that much difference between the two parties despite all of the gloss and all of the claims that they're in very different places."
She also questioned the "progressive" credentials of the UUP, citing how the party recently opposed an Alliance bid to fly the transgender flag at Armagh City, Banbridge and Craigavon Borough Council.
The East Belfast MLA said the "idea of being progressive isn't just something that the leader can talk about and then the rest of the party continues as usual".
The Alliance Party is widely expected to go back into government whenever that may be re-formed after the election.
Mrs Long did not rule out opposition, but the passion with which she spoke about the prospect of Alliance taking charge of more ministerial portfolios suggests otherwise.
The rise of Alliance and other parties not defined by the constitutional question, such at the Greens, means Stormont will increasingly been seen as a place of three main minority groups - 'nationalist', 'unionist' and 'other'.
Depending on how high these non-aligned parties reach, a moment is coming when it will necessitate a redrawing of how power-sharing structures work to reflect this new reality.
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